How mental distress can cause physical pain

Tags

anxiety, Depression, depressive symptoms, diagnosis, distress, emotional distress, emotions, gastrointestinal issues, mental health issues, nausea, numbness, palpitations, panic, panic attacks, physical aches, physical pain, physical symptoms, psychological symptoms, stomach pains, stress

How mental distress can cause physical pain

It took Gemma* years to realise why she vomiting three of four times a week. She wasn’t suffering from some mysterious stomach illness. Instead, it was her mental health deteriorating.

“I have generalised anxiety disorder and panic disorder. I actually had physical symptoms first, long before I even knew what panic attacks or anxiety were,” the 24-year-old student based in London tells The Independent. “I suffer particularly badly from gastrointestinal issues. I spent years throwing up three or four times a week, ending up in hospital, with no real discernible ‘physical’ cause. The cause was anxiety, expressed physically.”

Gemma believes that her condition went undiagnosed for so long because of how mental and physical conditions are too often treated as mutually exclusive, when they are in fact inextricably linked.

“I think people very much misunderstand the link between physical and mental health,” she goes on. “I was one of those people. I didn’t even realise they could be connected when I was a teenager. I thought I was relaxed. Anxiety was the last thing I thought I was suffering from. But I was ignoring a lot of stress and was poor at acknowledging my own emotions. That stress had to come out somewhere, and I almost feel like it was my body trying to get me to listen.”

Now, Gemma knows that anxiety can cause her severe stomach pains. Or that panic attacks are what most often fill her stomach with nausea, cause her arms and legs to go numb, and her heart to palpitate.

Similarly, Courtney*, a 25-year-old publicist based in London, says her depression causes her to feel lethargic and sluggish and her bones and joints stiff and achy.

“The bigger problem with physical symptoms is for the anxiety side of things. Outside of panic attacks, a bad flare up of anxiety gives me absolutely stunning headaches with blurred or double vision, which often makes it hard to work – especially at a computer screen,” she tellsThe Independent.

And as the stigma of suffering from mental illness is talked about more widely, these comparatively nuanced aspects of understanding health are what need to be tackled next, say experts.

“The idea that mental illness is ‘all in your head’ is not only outdated, but can make us blind to the physical symptoms that can be a sign of mental health problems,” Rethink Mental Illness spokeswoman Nia Charpentier tells The Independent.

“For example, if you have anxiety, you may experience a fast heart rate and sweating; or for someone living with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, the flashbacks can cause aches and pains, or make you feel sick. Similarly, depression can affect your appetite, causing you to either lose or gain weight.

Eating disorders such as bulimia and anorexia are perhaps the most obvious ways that serious mental illness can affect a person’s physical health.

“In the case of eating disorders, these illnesses may well involve physical symptoms that can become increasingly obvious over time, depending on the specific illness. However, it’s very important to remember that these are mental illnesses at their root, and changes to behaviour and mood will probably be noticeable long before any physical signs,” a spokesperson for the eating disorder charity B-Eat stresses. “It’s vital that people are aware of these psychological symptoms as well as the physical ones, as the sooner someone enters treatment for an eating disorder, the better their chance of recovery.”

It is erasing this confusing that spurs the Mental Health Foundation on to campaign for health check to include mental health screenings.

“Men in their forties are routinely screened for their blood pressure and cholesterol levels, when they are more at risk of ending their life by suicide,” points out Dr Antonis Kousoulis at the Mental Health Foundation, adding: “It’s crucial that health screening cover the health of our minds as well as the health of our bodies.”

*Name has been changed

Advertisements

Body dysmorphic disorder: charity video reveals the image anxieties that can push people to the edge

Tags

anxiety, appearance, BDD, body dysmorphic disorder, cbt, Depression, diagnosis, distress, isolation, medication, misdiagnosis, physical appearance, professionals, suicide

Body dysmorphic disorder: charity video reveals the image anxieties that can push people to the edge

It is a treatable condition suffered by at least 2% of the population, both male and female, that devastates the lives of those who have it and can lead to prolonged depression and even suicide. Now a fledgling charity, the Body Dysmorphic Disorder Foundation, hopes to raise awareness of the obsessive anxiety condition that leaves people convinced there is something flawed or “ugly” about their looks.

The foundation’s first conference, on 30 May in London, is aimed at health professionals, body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) sufferers and their carers, and is being promoted by a two-minute film, You Are Not Alone, directed by Steve Caplin, which tackles one of the greatest issues surrounding BDD: the idea that the person with it is isolated and cannot fit in.

“One of the biggest problems is that this is an under-researched disorder which is not fully understood by either professionals or laymen,” says clinical psychologist Dr Annemarie O’Connor, director of themindworks, a London-based psychology practice, who will be running a workshop at the conference. “This is not simply a case of feeling low or having to change your clothes a couple of times before you go out. It’s an obsessive anxiety disorder which can lead to huge levels of distress.”

That distress in turn can lead to prolonged bouts of depression and often suicide. “There’s such a high level of hopelessness and a real conviction among sufferers that they are ugly to look at or flawed,” explains O’Connor.

“Many sufferers turn to cosmetic intervention, but when that doesn’t change how they feel or how they see themselves. They become utterly convinced that a better way doesn’t exist, and this makes suicide a real feature of the disorder.”

Robert Pattinson, who was catapulted to fame after getting the role of vampire Edward Cullen in the Twilight films, told Australia’s Sunday Style magazine that he suffers from anxiety and BDD issues, which can become crippling before a red-carpet event.

“I get a ton of anxiety, right up until the second I get out of the car to the event, when suddenly it completely dissipates,” said Pattinson. “But up until that moment I’m a nutcase. Body dysmorphia, overall tremendous anxiety. I suppose it’s because of these tremendous insecurities that I never found a way to become egotistical. I don’t have a six-pack and I hate going to the gym. I’ve been like that my whole life. I never want to take my shirt off.”

Scarlett Bagwell’s 19-year-old daughter, Alannah, first began exhibiting signs of BDD at the age of 14. “I noticed that she had lost a lot of weight fast and at first I thought it was anorexia, but then other things began to happen – she would refuse to come out with us, didn’t want to leave her room … I still thought it might be teenage angst, but then one day she dropped out of school, despite having always loved it.

“There was so much turmoil in her head – she couldn’t get on the bus, I’d drive her to school but she wouldn’t go in. She really wanted to, but she couldn’t physically get out of the car. She’s a beautiful girl, but she was convinced there was so much wrong with her – she’d insist that her nose was too big and deformed, that she had tiny, piggy eyes and funny hair.”

As Alannah’s condition worsened, including bouts of self-harm and suicide attempts, so her family struggled to get a diagnosis. “I had to fight the system to get the proper treatment for her,” says her mother. “Just getting a diagnosis was so hard and meanwhile Alannah went from being very independent to being a baby again. At times I even had to force her to wash and I would wash her hair for her. Everything was a struggle. I felt I was failing my daughter.”

The hard-won key to her recovery was a combination of cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) specifically tailored for BDD sufferers and anti-depression medication.

Alannah is now sitting her A/S exams at a local college and intends to go to university. Her mother hopes that the establishment of a regular conference will lead to further understanding, help and support for those with BDD. “I think that because everybody has slight issues with their appearance – they don’t like their hair, or they think a particular dress makes them look bad – they can’t understand the struggle that actual body dysmorphics go through,” she says. “It stops you functioning. People with body dysmorphia are very isolated; they often can’t bring themselves to go out, no matter how much they want to, they don’t want to be seen.

“We were lucky that Alannah has had help and the support of her family, but I wonder how many people struggle without that support because they are diagnosed later, undiagnosed or misdiagnosed,” she said.

When intensive care is just too intense

Tags

critical care, delusions, Depression, discomfort, disorientated, distress, drugs, early intervention, fears, flashbacks, hallucinations, intensive care, intrusive memories, nightmares, psychological difficulties, stress, techniques, threat, treatment

When intensive care is just too intense

I still remember the first patient I saw in intensive care. A naked man, covered by a white sheet, was plugged into banks of machines through cables that radiated from his body. His face was covered by a breathing mask, his blood connected to bags of fluids. Muted and voluntarily immobile, so as not to break the fragile web that kept him alive, his eyes tracked me as I entered the cubicle. Intensive care can be a disconcerting place.

As a treatment, it is remarkably successful. Perhaps the greatest tribute to the people who work in critical care is this simple fact: most people leave intensive care alive – despite being dangerously close to death when they arrive. Through a combination of dedication, decision-making and technology, critical care staff ensure that most people pull through. This is the result of years of careful research that has focused clinical practice on restoring the body’s functioning as quickly and efficiently as possible.

But recently there has been a dawning realisation that the impact of intensive care extends beyond the survival of the body. Dorothy Wade is based at University College Hospital in London and is one of the country’s few intensive care psychologists. She led a recent study which found that more than half of patients assessed at follow-up had marked psychological difficulties. “We learned that patients were suffering from serious depression or having frightening flashbacks and nightmares to their time in intensive care,” says Wade. “This badly affected their quality of life and also held back their physical recovery from their illness.”

In another study, recently submitted for publication, Wade interviewed patients about the hallucinations and delusions they experienced while in intensive care. One patient reported seeing puffins jumping out of the curtains firing blood from guns, another began to believe that the nurses were being paid to kill patients and zombify them. The descriptions seem faintly amusing at a distance, but both were terrifying at the time and led to distressing intrusive memories long after the patients had realised their experiences were illusory.

Many patients don’t mention these experiences while in hospital, either through fear of sounding mad, or through an inability to speak – often because of medical breathing aids, or because of fears generated by the delusions themselves. After all, who would you talk to in a zombie factory?

These experiences can be caused by the effect of serious illness on the brain, but painkilling and sedating drugs play a part and are now used only where there is no alternative. Stress also adds to the mix but is often caused inadvertently by the way intensive care wards are organised. “If you think about the sort of things used for torture,” says Hugh Montgomery, a professor of intensive care medicine at UCL, “you will experience most of them in intensive care. As a patient, you are often naked and exposed, you hear alarming noises at random times, your sleep-wake cycle is disrupted by being woken up for medical procedures through the night, you will be given drugs that could disorient you, and you will be regularly exposed to discomfort and feelings of threat.”

This has led to a recent push to reorient treatment toward reducing patient stress, and long-term psychological problems, without sacrificing life-saving efficiency. Take this simple example: a study led by consultant critical care nurse John Welch at UCL found that the pitch or tone of alarms on intensive care equipment has no relation to how urgent the situation is. Many frightening-sounding alarms are just reminders – this bag needs refilling in the next hour; don’t forget to change the filter – and are often left until more important tasks are finished. But, to the uninitiated, it might sound as if death is imminent and no one is responding.

Some stress is simply an unavoidable part of necessary medical procedures. Breathing tubes inserted through the mouth or surgically implanted through the neck are notoriously uncomfortable. And, despite the survival rates, people die in intensive care. A daunting experience if you’re a patient in the same ward.

Helping patients with their intense emotional reactions, whether they arise from hallucination, misunderstanding or medical intervention, normally happens on an ad hoc basis and for many clinicians it is a relatively new situation that hasn’t been incorporated into standard training. In many intensive care units, the approach was to sedate patients for the whole of their admission. As this practice declined, for the first time, clinicians were faced with distressed, possibly hallucinating, awake patients.

Wade is currently working with clinicians to take a more systematic approach to detecting and reducing psychological distress. “There have always been experienced or just naturally empathetic nurses and doctors in intensive care,” she says. “We’re trying to build on that natural care and compassion by teaching nurses and doctors more about the causes and nature of psychological distress… and training them with simple psychological techniques that could help to reduce immediate and long-term distress.”

For his part, Montgomery is less convinced about early intervention. He feels intensive care needs to be reorganised to reduce stress but psychological problems are best dealt with in follow-up clinics.

The best time for treatment is the subject of an ongoing debate, but for the first time studies have been funded that will answer these questions. Intensive care is being rethought and may become, at least psychologically, less intense.

Dispelling the nightmares of post-traumatic stress disorder

Tags

avoidance, behaviour, cbt, distress, Ehlers and Clark, flashback, hyperarousal, interpretations, low mood, Memory, negative thoughts, nightmares, post traumatic stress disorder, psychological effects, psychotherapy, PTSD, reliving, reminders, symptoms, threat, trauma, trauma memories, traumatic event, treatment, triggers

Dispelling the nightmares of post-traumatic stress disorder

On Wednesday morning we woke to the news that a passenger ferry had sunk off the coast of South Korea, with at least four people confirmed dead and 280 unaccounted for. Meanwhile, though the search has continued for the missing Malaysia Airlines plane, relatives’ hopes of a safe landing have long since been extinguished.

Human tragedies like these are the stuff of daily news, but we rarely hear about the long-term psychological effects on survivors and the bereaved, who may experience the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder for years after their experience.

Although most people have heard of PTSD, few will have a clear idea of what it entails. The American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) defines a traumatic event as one in which a person “experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with an event or events that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to the physical integrity of self or others”. PTSD is marked by four types of responses to the trauma. First, patients repeatedly relive the event, either in the form of nightmares or flashbacks. Second, they seek to avoid any reminder of the traumatic event. Third, they feel constantly on edge. Fourth, they are plagued with negative thoughts and low mood.

According to one estimate, almost 8% of people will develop PTSD during their lifetime. Clearly trauma (and PTSD) can strike anyone, but the risks of developing the condition are not equally distributed. Rates are higher in socially disadvantaged areas, for instance. Women may be twice as likely to develop PTSD as men. This is partly because women are at greater risk of the kinds of trauma that commonly produce PTSD (rape, for example). Nevertheless – and for unknown reasons – when exposed to the same type of trauma, women are more susceptible to PTSD than men.

What causes it? In one sense, the answer is obvious: a specific trauma. Yet this is only part of the story, because not everyone who is raped or badly beaten up develops PTSD. Of the contemporary psychological attempts to answer that question, the most influential is the one formulated by the clinical psychologists Anke Ehlers and David Clark at the University of Oxford.

They argue that PTSD develops when the person believes they are still seriously threatened by the trauma they have experienced. Why should someone assume they are still endangered by an event that happened months or even years previously? Ehlers and Clark identify two factors.

First is a negative interpretation of the trauma and the normal feelings that follow, for example believing that “nowhere is safe”, “I attract disaster”, or “I can’t cope with stress”. These interpretations can make the person feel in danger physically (the world seems unsafe), or psychologically (their self-confidence and sense of well-being feel irreparably damaged).

Second are problems with the memory of the trauma. Partly because of the way the person experiences the event, the memory somehow fails to acquire a properly developed context and meaning. As a result, it constantly intrudes. Ehlers and Clark liken the traumatic memory to “a cupboard in which many things have been thrown in quickly and in a disorganised fashion, so it is impossible to fully close the door and things fall out at unpredictable times”.

These factors change the way people behave. They may avoid situations that might spark a memory of the trauma, and will sometimes try to deaden their feelings with drink or drugs. Yet these strategies tend to entrench and exacerbate the problem.

PTSD can be treated with antidepressants or various kinds of psychotherapy, including prolonged exposure therapy and eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing. However, a recent meta-analysis of 112 studies conducted over the past 30 years found that cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) was the single most successful type of treatment.

CBT typically comprises three main strands. First, it evaluates the individual’s excessively negative thoughts about the trauma and its aftermath – for example by helping them understand that they are not to blame or that their feelings are normal and natural. Second, the treatment works on the person’s memory of the trauma: the individual might be asked to write a detailed account of the event; relive it in their imagination; revisit the site of the trauma; or be shown how to cope with the kind of objects or situations that trigger the traumatic memory.

The final strand involves tackling the kind of behaviours that tend to fuel PTSD, for example by demonstrating that attempting to suppress a thought is futile (if you doubt it, try right now not to think of a white bear) or that avoiding a situation only strengthens one’s fear.

A course of CBT for PTSD normally involves meeting with a therapist once or twice a week over several months. Given how debilitating the problem can be, that can seem like a very long time to wait to get one’s life back on track. However, pioneering research published in last month’s issue of The American Journal of Psychiatry suggests that there may be an alternative. Instead of months, it may be possible to tackle the symptoms of PTSD in just seven days.

Anke Ehlers at the University of Oxford and her colleagues randomly assigned 121 patients with PTSD (about 60% female, 40% male) either to a seven-day course of intensive CBT; weekly sessions of CBT for three months; a type of psychotherapy known as emotion-focused supportive counselling; or to a 14-week waiting list. Participants in the first three groups all received the same amount of therapy (18 hours).

The results were striking. The intensive CBT proved almost as successful as the standard three-month course, with respective recovery rates from PTSD of 73% and 77%, and the intensive version produced its effects more quickly. For the supportive counselling group, recovery was 43% (another finding that undermines the idea that all types of psychotherapy are equally effective). Among the waiting list group, just 7% had recovered. Both courses of CBT also led to large reductions in levels of anxiety and depression.

Most importantly, the benefits lasted: 40 weeks after entering the study, about two-thirds of the CBT patients were still free from the symptoms of PTSD. The therapy isn’t easy – it confronts highly distressing events and feelings, after all – but it works.

Follow @ProfDFreeman and @JasonFreeman100 on Twitter

Explaining tokophobia, the phobia of pregnancy and childbirth

Tags

anxiety, birth, childbirth, distress, fear, hyperarousal, labour, media, negative birth experience, panic, positive birth experience, post-birth PTSD, pregnancy, PTSD, social media, symptoms, tokophobia, trauma, treatment

Explaining tokophobia, the phobia of pregnancy and childbirth

For expectant mothers, it’s very normal to approach birth with a feeling of trepidation, particularly for the first baby. From the moment a pregnancy is announced, the average pregnant woman is inundated with horror stories of pain and long labours by supposed well-meaning friends, and it can be hard to focus on a positive birth experience when you don’t know what to expect.

But for some women, the fear of childbirth goes beyond trepidation into full-blown anxiety, panic and fear. Known as tokophobia, this phobia of childbirth affects somewhere between 3-8 per cent of pregnant women.

Symptoms include worries specifically about the pregnancy and birth, a fear of harm or death related to the birth, poor sleep, and a sense of hyper-arousal (rapid heartbeat and breathing, difficulty winding down). The fear of childbirth is a common non-medical reason for requesting a caesarean section, and women with this fear have a much higher rate of both caesarean delivery and use of epidural anaesthesia.

There is no clear path to developing fear of childbirth, but there are some risk factors that we know about. A history of anxiety or depression is one risk factor, as is a history of childhood abuse, be it sexual, physical or emotional abuse.

Some studies have also identified patterns with age, suggesting younger mums are more vulnerable, as are those with less education, and mums without a strong social network.

However, a recent study found that one of the biggest influences women reported on their fear of childbirth was the media. Hospital-based reality television programs and medical dramas often feature storylines with dramatic emergency situations during childbirth and this may be all women know of giving birth prior to the event.

We also know that around 95 per cent of pregnant European women report searching for pregnancy and birth information online, and social media and blogs hold the potential for the circulation of misinformation that may heighten fears rather than allay them.

There is another group of women who may find pregnancy and childbirth frightening due to related fears. One of the most common phobias in adults is blood/injury phobia, often including a fear of injections. Pregnancy and childbirth is hence very confronting for these women, who may faint or experience extreme distress at even routine blood tests throughout their pregnancy.

Researchers have found that for first time mothers, a positive birth experience can often relieve the fear of childbirth so that it is no longer an issue for future pregnancies. However, whether or not women start with a fear of childbirth, a negative birth experience can make them up to five times more likely to develop tokophobia for future pregnancies.

A negative experience of birth may be due to complications, feeling out of control, dissatisfaction with care providers, or just not having the birth that was expected. Between 2-6 per cent of women report post-traumatic stress syndrome (PTSD) following a difficult birth experience. PTSD is the disorder once known as ‘shell shock’ for its affliction of soldiers following war, and is characterised by nightmares and re-experiencing of the birth trauma, avoidance of all reminders of the birth, and hyper-arousal. Without treatment, PTSD can limit family size and cause problems in women’s relationships with their partner and their child.

While we may not hear much about tokophobia and post-birth PTSD, their prevalence suggests we do need to look out for women who may be suffering both before and after birth. In addition to the distress at the time, stress and anxiety during pregnancy are linked to a higher rate of preterm birth and later behavioural problems in children.

The good news is that like all anxiety disorders, the fear of childbirth and PTSD can be addressed and treatments are available. One of the most vital elements of treatment is education on birth, whether through the obstetric care provider, midwives, or antenatal classes. Knowing what to expect and having an agreed plan with your care provider can assist to overcome some of the irrational fears.

Linked to this, a supportive and trusting relationship with the care providers who will manage the birth is essential. This is not always possible as some obstetric settings do not allow for repeated contact with the same provider, but a relationship of trust will be more likely to create a positive birth experience.

When problems do occur in pregnancy and birth, a post-birth debriefing can be useful and may help prevent the development of PTSD symptoms. Understanding what went wrong and why things happened the way they did can help with processing the events and accompanying trauma.

As with other anxiety disorders, relaxation, light exercise and slow breathing can help to calm the body and relieve the hyper-arousal that comes with the fear of childbirth. A psychologist can assist with other anxiety management techniques that can help to minimise fears.

For those who find the idea of pregnancy and birth overwhelming, it is important to know that help is available and such symptoms can be successfully treated. The first step is confiding your fears so that those around you can start to support you through what could be a wonderful journey.

What doesn’t kill us…

Tags

adversity, autonomy, avoidance, cognitive processing, compassion, coping, distress, family, friends, gratitude, Grief, intrusion, measures, personal growth, positive changes, post-traumatic growth, post-traumatic stress, psychologists, psychology, PTSD, relationships, resilience, self-acceptance, Self-esteem, support, theory, trauma, vulnerability, well-being

What doesn’t kill us…

The field of psychological trauma is changing as researchers recognise that adversity does not always lead to a damaged and dysfunctional life. Post-traumatic growth refers to how adversity can be a springboard to higher levels of psychological well-being. This article provides an overview of theory, practice and research. To what extent is post-traumatic stress the engine of post-traumatic growth? How can clinicians measure change? What can help people to thrive following adversity?

Suffering is universal: you attempt to subvert it so that it does not have a destructive, negative effect. You turn it around so that it becomes a creative, positive force.
Terry Waite, who survived four years as a hostage in solitary confinement (quoted in Joseph, 2012, p.143)

Scientific interest in positive changes following adversity was sparked when a handful of studies appeared in the late 1980s and early 1990s, reporting positive changes in, for example, rape survivors, male cardiac patients, bereaved adults, survivors of shipping disaster, and combat veterans. Then, the topic of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was relatively new (following its introduction in 1980 by the American Psychiatric Association), and was attracting much research interest. The relatively few observations of positive change were overshadowed by research on the ways in which trauma could lead to the destruction and devastation of a person’s life.

But interest in how trauma can be a catalyst for positive changes began to take hold during the mid 1990s when the concept of post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996) was introduced. It proved to be popular and became the descriptor for a field of inquiry attracting international attention from researchers, scholars and practitioners (see, Calhoun & Tedeschi, 2006; Joseph & Linley, 2008a; Weiss & Berger, 2010). Over the past decade it has developed into one of the flagship topics for positive psychology (Seligman, 2011). This article aims to provide a state-of-the-art review of the psychology of post-traumatic growth.

What is post-traumatic growth?
After experiencing a traumatic event, people often report three ways in which their psychological functioning increases:
1.    Relationships are enhanced in some way. For example, people describe that they come to value their friends and family more, feel an increased sense of compassion for others and a longing for more intimate relationships.
2.    People change their views of themselves. For example, developing in wisdom, personal strength and gratitude, perhaps coupled with a greater acceptance of their vulnerabilities and limitations.
3.    People describe changes in their life philosophy. For example, finding a fresh appreciation for each new day and re-evaluating their understanding of what really matters in life, becoming less materialistic and more able to live in the present.

Several self-report psychometric tools were published during the 1990s to assess positive changes following trauma, the first such measure was the Changes in Outlook Questionnaire (Joseph et al., 1993), followed by the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996); the Stress Related Growth Scale (Park et al., 1996), the Perceived Benefit Scale (McMillen & Fisher, 1998), and the Thriving Scale (Abraido-Lanza et al., 1998). Each of these measures asks respondents to think about how they have changed since an event and to rate the extent of their change on a series of items.

Using such measures of perceived growth, and open-ended interviews, a large number of studies have shown that growth is common for survivors of various traumatic events, including transportation accidents (shipping disasters, plane crashes, car accidents), natural disasters (hurricanes, earthquakes), interpersonal experiences (combat, rape, sexual assault, child abuse), medical problems (cancer, heart attack, brain injury, spinal cord injury, HIV/AIDS, leukaemia, rheumatoid arthritis, multiple sclerosis) and other life experiences (relationship breakdown, parental divorce, bereavement, emigration). Typically 30–70 per cent of survivors will say that they have experienced positive changes of one form or another (Linley & Joseph, 2004).

Practitioners in health, clinical and counselling psychology will encounter patients daily whose lives have been affected by such events. Up to now practitioners may have drawn on theories of post-traumatic stress to help their patients. A pressing theoretical issue therefore is the relation between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth. How can these new ideas improve how we work with patients?

Theory and practice of post-traumatic growth
Research is now untangling a seemingly intricate dance between post-traumatic stress processes and post-traumatic growth. The most successful attempt to date is organismic valuing theory, which explains how post-traumatic growth arises as a result of post-traumatic stress. This is a person-centred theory that draws together information processing and social cognitive theories of post-traumatic stress with research on self-determination theory. The theory shows trauma leads to a breakdown in self-structure, signalled by the experiences of post-traumatic stress indicating the need to cognitively process the new trauma-related information. People are intrinsically motivated towards processing the new trauma-related information in ways that maximise their psychological well-being (Joseph & Linley, 2005, 2006).

Organismic valuing refers to how intrinsic motivation is experienced by the person. One woman who was caught up in a fatal shooting in which her close friend was killed, and who had suffered from considerable post-traumatic stress for several years, said how she woke early one morning after a night of restless sleep and got up to look at a picture of her children:

In the silent wee hours of the morning, I sat staring at their picture and began to sob. Through my sobs, I heard the real voice of wisdom I believe we all possess. It was my voice, the voice that knows me best, but a voice that had become muted. Guess what. No one is coming to change the situation. No one will rescue you. No one can. It’s up to you. Find your strength. I realised that as long as I remained a victim, I too made my family a victim. My anxiety could only teach them to be anxious. I was robbing them of happiness and a positive outlook on the world. I had come to the intersection of intersections. I could choose to end my life or I could choose to live. I needed to live for my family – and later I understood most importantly, for myself. (quoted in Joseph, 2012, p.142)

Post-traumatic growth involves the rebuilding of the shattered assumptive world. This can be illustrated through the metaphor of the shattered vase. Imagine that one day you accidentally knock a treasured vase off its perch. It smashes into tiny pieces. What do you do? Do you try to put the vase back together as it was? Do you collect the pieces and drop them in the rubbish, as the vase is a total loss? Or do you pick up the beautiful coloured pieces and use them to make something new – such as a colourful mosaic? When adversity strikes, people often feel that at least some part of them – be it their views of the world, their sense of themselves, their relationships – has been smashed. Those who try to put their lives back together exactly as they were remain fractured and vulnerable. But those who accept the breakage and build themselves anew become more resilient and open to new ways of living.

These changes do not necessarily mean that the person will be entirely free of the memories of what has happened to them, the grief they experience or other forms of distress, but that they live their lives more meaningfully in the light of what happened.

The implication of organismic valuing theory is that post-traumatic stress is the catalyst for post-traumatic growth. Helgeson et al. (2006) conducted a meta-analytic review concluding that greater post-traumatic growth was related to more intrusive and avoidant post-traumatic stress experiences. As intrusion and avoidance are generally seen as symptoms of PTSD at first glance this result would seem to suggest that post-traumatic growth is indicative of poor mental health, but consistent with organismic valuing theory Helgeson et al. suggest is that these constructs reflect cognitive processing:
Experiencing intrusive thoughts about a stressor may be a signal that people are working through the implications of the stressor for their lives, and these implications could lead to growth. In fact, some might argue that a period of contemplation and consideration of the stressor is necessary for growth to occur. (p.810)

It is in this sense that post-traumatic stress can be conceptualised as the engine of post-traumatic growth. This is also the conclusion of a recent study by Dekel and colleagues (2012), who set out to shed light on the interplay between PTSD and post-traumatic growth. Using longitudinal self-report data from Israeli combat veterans who were studied over 17 years, with assessment at three time points, the researchers found that greater PTSD in 1991 predicted greater growth in 2003, and greater PTSD in 2003 predicted greater growth in 2008.
However, it also seems that the relationship between post-traumatic growth and post-traumatic stress is a function of the intensity of post-traumatic stress. Butler et al. (2005), for example, in their study following the attacks of September 2001, found that greater post-traumatic stress was associated with greater post-traumatic growth, but only up to a point, above which post-traumatic growth declines.

Could there be a curvilinear relationship between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth? Low levels of post-traumatic stress reactions indicate that the person has been minimally affected, thus one would expect minimal post-traumatic growth. A moderate level of post-traumatic stress is indicative that the individual’s assumptive world has in some way been challenged triggering the intrusive and avoidant experiences, but the person remains able to cope, think clearly, and engage sufficiently in the necessary affective-cognitive processing needed to work through. A high level of post-traumatic stress, however, where a diagnosis of PTSD might be considered, is likely to mean that the person’s coping ability is undermined and their ability to affectively-cognitively process and work through their experience is impeded. The inverted U-shape relationship between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth has been reported in several studies (e.g. Kunst, 2010).

Thus, through the above research and theory we are developing a new understanding of psychological trauma that integrates post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth within a single conceptual framework which can guide clinical practice. A new constructive narrative framework that can guide practitioners is the THRIVE model (Joseph, 2012). THRIVE consists of six signposts (see box). Starting with ‘taking stock’, the therapist works with the client to alleviate problems of post-traumatic stress sufficiently so as to enable them to engage in effortful cognitive processing. Then follows five further signposts in which the therapist can work alongside the client. Post-traumatic growth provides practitioners with a new set of tools in their armoury for working with traumatised patients. 

New directions
Each of the measures mentioned above provides a particular operational definition of the construct, and they tend to be only moderately inter-correlated. Unlike, for example, the construct of post-traumatic stress disorder, which has an agreed definition provided by DSM around which measurement tools can be developed, there is no gold standard definition of post-traumatic growth. One suggestion arising from organismic valuing theory is to reframe post-traumatic growth as an increase in psychological well-being (PWB) as opposed to subjective well-being (SWB) (Joseph & Linley, 2008b). Traditionally, the focus of clinical psychology has been on SWB, which can be broadly defined as emotional states. Clinical psychology has been largely concerned with the alleviation of negative emotional states. With positive psychology in the background, clinical psychologists are now also concerned with the facilitation of positive emotional states. But post-traumatic growth does not refer to a positive emotional state but to an increase in PWB, defined as high levels of autonomy, environmental mastery, positive relations with others, openness to personal growth, purpose in life and self-acceptance (see box).

The topic of post-traumatic growth has also attracted interest from quantitative researchers in personality and social psychology. People may say they have grown, but have they really? There is a limitation to the above-mentioned measures, which is that they rely on retrospective accounts of change – that is, asking people to report on what positive changes they perceive themselves to have experienced since an event. We might refer to this as perceptions of growth to distinguish from actual growth, as measured by calculating the difference between state measures of psychological well-being before and after trauma.

Research suggests that the strength of association between actual and perceived growth is moderated by the degree of distress: for those who are most distressed there is a weaker correlation, but for those who are less distressed there is a moderate association (Gunty et al., 2011). It may be that perceptions of growth are at times illusory and a way of coping with distress (Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). Therefore researchers do need to be wary of always taking reports of growth at face value, particularly in the immediate aftermath of a crisis when people are most distressed.

However, while we may question people’s perceptions of growth, there is no question that actual post-traumatic growth occurs, as this has been demonstrated in before-and-after studies (e.g. Peterson & Seligman, 2003). What is now needed are more prospective longitudinal studies able to document the development of growth over time, how both actual and perceived growth co-vary over time and how they relate to other variables – both as outcome variables in order to understand the development of growth, and as predictor variables in order to understand the consequences of growth. Research shows that greater post-traumatic growth is associated with: personality factors, such as emotional stability, extraversion, openness to experience, optimism and self-esteem; ways of coping, such as acceptance, positive reframing, seeking social support, turning to religion, problem solving; and social support factors (Prati & Pietrantoni, 2009). But now more sophisticated theoretically informed designs are also called for in which we can begin to understand the factors that mediate and moderate post-traumatic stress and thus lead to post-traumatic growth. As an example of the directions that social and personality researchers may pursue, in one recent study it was found that emotion-focused coping mediated the association between subjective ratings of distress and post-traumatic growth and that emotional intelligence moderated
the association between emotion-focused coping and post-traumatic growth (Linley et al., 2011). While there is much that can be learned from quantitative research, there is also a need for qualitative research to explore new contexts (e.g. Splevins et al., 2011) and interventions (e.g. Hefferon et al., 2008).

Conclusion

The idea of post-traumatic growth has become one of the most exciting topics in modern psychology because it changes how we think about psychological trauma. Psychologists are beginning to realise that post-traumatic stress following trauma is not always a sign of disorder. Instead, post-traumatic stress can signal that the person is going through a normal and natural emotional struggle to rebuild their lives and make sense of what has befallen them. Sadly it often takes a tragic event in our lives before we make such changes. Survivors have much to teach those of us who haven’t experienced such traumas about how to live.

Box

THRIVE
Taking stock (Making sure the client is safe and helping them learn to manage their post-traumatic stress to tolerable levels, e.g. through exposure-related exercises).
Harvesting hope (Learning to be hopeful about the future, e.g. looking for inspirational stories of people who have overcome similar obstacles).
Re-authoring (Storytelling, e.g. using expressive writing techniques to find new perspectives).
Identifying change (Noticing post-traumatic growth, e.g. using the  Psychological Well-Being Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire  to track change).
Valuing change (Developing awareness of new priorities, e.g. positive psychology gratitude exercise).
Expressing change in action (Actively seeking to put post-traumatic growth into the external world, e.g. making a plan of activity for following week that involves doing concrete things).

BOX: Assessing growth
Think of how you yourself have been influenced by events in your own life. The Psychological Well-Being Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire (PWB-PTCQ) was developed to assess post-traumatic growth as defined by an increase in PWB. The PWB-PTCQ is an 18-item self-report tool in which people rate how much they have changed as a result of the trauma. A short six-item version is shown below.

Read each statement below and rate how you have changed as a result of the trauma.

5     = Much more so now
4     = A bit more so now
3     = I feel the same about this as before
2     = A bit less so now
1     = Much less so now

1.    I like myself
2.    I have confidence in my opinions
3.    I have a sense of purpose in life
4.    I have strong and close relationships in my life
5.    I feel I am in control of my life
6.    I am open to new experiences that challenge me

People may find it useful to use the PWB-PTCQ to gain insight into how they have changed. Often these dimensions of change go unnoticed in everyday life but deserve to be flagged up and nurtured. Clinicians will find the new tool useful as it allows them to bridge their traditional concerns of psychological suffering with the new positive psychology of growth following adversity (see Joseph et al., 2012).

Stephen Joseph is a Professor at the University of Nottingham and Honorary Consultant in Nottinghamshire NHS?Trust
stephen.joseph@nottingham.ac.uk

References

Abraido-Lanza, A.F. Guier, C. & Colon, R.M. (1998). Psychological thriving among Latinas with chronic illness. Journal of Social Issues, 54, 405–424. American Psychiatric Association (1980). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd edn). Washington, DC: Author.

Butler, L.D., Blasey, C.M., Garlan, R.W. et al. (2005). Posttraumatic growth following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001: Cognitive, coping and trauma symptom predictors in an internet convenience sample. Traumatology, 11, 247–267.

Calhoun, L.G. &Tedeschi, R.G. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of posttraumatic growth: Research and practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Dekel, S., Ein-Dor, T. & Solomon, Z. (2012). Posttraumatic growth and posttraumatic distress: A longitudinal study. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice and Policy, 4, 94–101.

Gunty, A.L., Frazier, P.A., Tennen, H. et al. (2011).Moderators of the relation between perceived and actual posttraumatic growth. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 3, 61–66.

Hefferon, K., Grealy, M. & Mutrie, N. (2008). The perceived influence of an exercise class intervention on the process and outcomes of posttraumatic growth. Journal of Mental Health and Physical Activity, 1, 32–39.

Helgeson, V.S., Reynolds., K.A. & Tomich, P.L. (2006). A meta-analytic review of benefit finding and growth. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 74, 797–816.

Joseph, S. (2012). What doesn’t kill us: The new psychology of posttraumatic growth. London: Piatkus Little Brown.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2005). Positive adjustment to threatening events: An organismic valuing theory of growth through adversity. Review of General Psychology, 262–280.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2006). Growth following adversity: Theoretical perspectives and implications for clinical practice. Clinical Psychology Review, 26, 1041–1053.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2008a). Psychological assessment of growth following adversity: A review. In S. Joseph & P.A. Linley (Eds.) Trauma, recovery, and growth: Positive psychological perspectives on posttraumatic stress. (pp.21–38). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley .

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A (Eds.) (2008b). Trauma, recovery, and growth. Positive psychological perspectives on posttraumatic stress. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Joseph, S., Maltby, J. Wood, A.M. et al. (2012). Psychological Well-Being – Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire (PWB–PTCQ): Reliability and validity. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice and Policy, 4(4), 420–428

Joseph, S., Williams, R. & Yule, W. (1993). Changes in outlook following disaster: The preliminary development of a measure to assess positive and negative responses. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 6, 271–279.

Kunst, M.J.J. (2010). Peritraumatic distress, posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, and posttraumatic growth in victims of violence. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 23, 514–518.

Linley, P.A., Felus, A., Gillett, R. & Joseph, S. (2011). Emotional expression and growth following adversity: Emotional expression mediates subjective distress and is moderated by emotional intelligence. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 16, 387–401.

Linley, P.A. & Joseph, S. (2004). Positive change processes following trauma and adversity: A review of the empirical literature. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 17, 11–22.

McMillen, J.C. & Fisher, R.H. (1998). The Perceived Benefits Scales: Measuring perceived positive life changes after negative events. Social Work Research, 22, 173–187.

Park, C.L., Cohen, L.H. & Murch, R.L. (1996). Assessment and prediction of stress-related growth. Journal of Personality, 64, 71–105.

Peterson, C. & Seligman, M.E.P. (2003). Character strengths before and after September 11th. Psychological Science, 14, 381–384.

Prati, G. & Pietrantoni, L. (2009). Optimism, social support, and coping strategies as factors contributing to posttraumatic growth: A meta-analysis. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 14, 364–388.

Seligman, M.E.P. (2011). Flourish. New York: Free Press.

Splevins, K.A., Cohen, K., Joseph, S. et al. (2011). Vicarious posttraumatic growth among interpreters. Qualitative Health Research 20, 1705–1716.

Tedeschi, R.G. & Calhoun, L.G. (1996). The Posttraumatic Growth Inventory: Measuring the positive legacy of trauma. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 9, 455–471.

Weiss, T. & Berger, R. (Eds.) (2010). Posttraumatic growth and culturally competent practice: Lessons learned from around the globe. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Zoellner, T. & Maercker, A. (2006). Posttraumatic growth in clinical psychology. Clinical Psychology Review, 26, 626–653.