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Tag Archives: cognitive processing

A group of neuroscientists believes it can communicate with “locked-in” coma patients

21 Monday Apr 2014

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Neuroscience/Neuropsychology/Neurology

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'vegetative state'; 'trapped'; coma, awakefulness, awareness, Brain activity, brain imaging, brain injury, brain scans, cognitive processing, communication, conscious, diagnosis, families, fMRI, Locked-In Syndrome, misdiagnosis, powerlessness, recovery, reflex, relatives

A group of neuroscientists believes it can communicate with “locked-in” coma patients

“Imagine you wake up, locked inside a box,” says Adrian Owen.”It’s a perfect fit, down to every last one of your fingers and toes. It’s a strange box because you can listen to absolutely everything going on around you, yet your voice cannot be heard. In fact, the box fits so tightly around your face and lips that you can’t speak, or make a noise. At first, this feels like a game. Then reality sets in. You see and hear your family lamenting your fate. You’re too cold. Then too hot. You’re always thirsty. The visits of your friends and family dwindle. Your partner moves on. And there’s nothing you can do about it.”

Owen and I are talking on Skype. I’m sitting in London while he’s at the University of Western Ontario in Canada. Owen’s reddish hair and close-cropped beard loom large on my screen as he becomes animated describing the torment of those with no voice: his patients.

People in a “vegetative state” are awake yet unaware. Their eyes can open and sometimes wander. They can smile, grasp another’s hand, cry, groan or grunt. But they are indifferent to a hand clap, unable to see or understand speech. Their motions are not purposeful but reflexive. Their minds remain firmly shut. Still, when their eyelids flutter open, you are always left wondering if there’s a glimmer of consciousness.

A decade ago, the answer would have been a bleak and emphatic no. Not any longer. Using brain scanners, Owen has found that some may be trapped inside their bodies yet able to think and feel to varying extents. The number of these cases has soared in recent decades, ironically, because doctors have steadily become better at saving patients with catastrophic injuries.

Today, trapped, damaged and diminished minds inhabit clinics and nursing homes worldwide – in Europe alone, the number of new coma cases is estimated to be 230,000 annually, of whom 30,000 will languish in a persistent vegetative state. They are some of the most tragic and expensive artefacts of modern intensive care.

Owen knows this only too well. In 1997, a close friend set off on her usual cycle to work. Anne had a weak spot on a blood vessel in her head, known as a brain aneurysm. Five minutes into her trip, the aneurysm burst and she crashed into a tree. She never regained consciousness.

The tragedy of Anne’s accident would shape Owen’s life. He began to wonder if there was a way to determine which of these patients were in an unconscious coma, which were conscious and which were somewhere in between?

That year, he had moved to the Medical Research Council’s Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit in Cambridge, where researchers used various scanning techniques. One, positron emission tomography (PET), highlights different metabolic processes in the brain, such as oxygen and sugar use. Another, known as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), can reveal active centres in the brain by detecting the tiny surges in blood flow that take place as a mind whirrs. Owen wondered whether he could use these technologies to reach out to patients, like his friend, stuck between sensibility and oblivion.

Today, being alive is no longer linked to having a beating heart, explains Owen. If you are on a life-support machine, are you dead? Is a failure to sustain independent life a reasonable definition of death? No, otherwise we would all be “dead” in the nine months before birth.

The issue becomes murkier when we consider those trapped in the twilight worlds between normal life and death – from those who slip in and out of awareness, who are trapped in a “minimally conscious state”, to those who are severely impaired in a vegetative state or a coma.

In the wake of the development of the artificial respirator during the 1950s in Denmark, pioneering work to categorise disorders of consciousness was carried out in the 1960s by the neurologist Fred Plum in New York and the neurosurgeon Bryan Jennett in Glasgow.

Plum coined the term “locked-in syndrome”, in which a patient is aware and awake but cannot move or talk. With Plum, Jennett devised the Glasgow Coma Scale to rate the depth of coma, and Jennett followed up with the Glasgow Outcome Scale to weigh up the extent of recovery, from death to mild disability. Together they adopted the term “persistent vegetative state” for patients who, they wrote, “have periods of wakefulness when their eyes are open and move; their responsiveness is limited to primitive postural and reflex movements of the limbs, and they never speak”. In 2002, Jennett was among a group of neurologists who chose the phrase “minimally conscious” to describe those who are sometimes awake and partly aware, who show erratic signs of consciousness so that at one time they might be able to follow a simple instruction and at another they might not.

Kate Bainbridge, a 26-year-old schoolteacher, lapsed into a coma three days after she came down with a flu-like illness. A few weeks after her infection had cleared, Kate awoke from the coma but was diagnosed as being in a vegetative state. Luckily, the intensive-care doctor responsible for her, David Menon, was also a principal investigator at the newly opened Wolfson Brain Imaging Centre in Cambridge, where Adrian Owen then worked.

Menon wondered whether elements of cognitive processing might be retained in patients in a vegetative state, and discussed with Owen how to use a brain scanner to detect them. In 1997, four months after she had been diagnosed as vegetative, Kate became the first patient in such a state to be studied by the Cambridge group. The results, published in 1998, were extraordinary. Her brain responses were indistinguishable from those of healthy volunteers; her scans revealed brain activity at the back of her brain, in a part which helps recognise faces. Kate became the first such patient in whom sophisticated brain imaging (in this case PET) revealed “covert cognition”. Of course, whether that response was a reflex or a signal of consciousness was, at the time, a matter of debate.

The results were of huge significance not only for science but also for Kate and her parents. “The existence of preserved cognitive processing removed the nihilism that pervaded the management of such patients in general, and supported a decision to continue to treat Kate aggressively,” recalls Menon.

Kate eventually surfaced from her ordeal, six months after the initial diagnosis. She described how she was indeed sometimes aware of herself and her surroundings. “They said I could not feel pain,” she says. “They were so wrong.”

Sometimes she’d cry out, but nurses thought it was nothing more than a reflex. Hospital staff had no idea how much she suffered in their care. Physiotherapy nurses never explained what they were doing to her. She was terrified when they removed mucus from her lungs. “I can’t tell you how frightening it was, especially suction through the mouth,” she has written. Her pain and despair became such that she tried to snuff out her life by holding her breath. “I could not stop my nose from breathing, so it did not work. My body did not seem to want to die.”

Kate says her recovery was not so much like turning on a light but a gradual awakening. By then she had lost her job, her sense of smell and taste, and much of what might have been a normal future. Now back with her parents, Kate is still very disabled and needs a wheelchair. Yet, 12 years after her illness, she started to talk again and, though still angry about the way she was treated when she was at her most vulnerable, she remains grateful to those who helped her mind to escape.

She sent Owen a note:

“Dear Adrian, please use my case to show people how important the scans are. I want more people to know about them. I am a big fan of them now. I was unresponsive and looked hopeless, but the scan showed people I was in there. It was like magic, it found me.” k

Nicholas Schiff is a neurologist at Weill Cornell Medical College in New York. His working life is a balancing act between putting the interests of his patients and their families first and keeping true to the science as he wrestles with disorders of consciousness. “There’s a lot we don’t know,” he admits. “Frankly, I am wrong a lot of the time.”

In 2005, Schiff applied his emerging understanding of the circuits of consciousness to Jim, a 38-year-old man who had been beaten and robbed and was left minimally conscious. Jim’s eyes had mostly remained shut. He was unable to speak and could communicate only by a nod, or tiny eye or finger movements. His plight seemed hopeless. Eventually, Jim’s mother gave a “do not resuscitate order” to doctors. Schiff thought differently.

Schiff had earlier scanned Jim with fMRI in 2001. His team had played subjects, including Jim, an audiotape in which a relative or loved one reminisced. In detailed fMRI scans, Jim had shown that, despite having a very underactive brain, he had preserved large-scale language networks. When he heard a story that meant something to him, his brain lit up. What, thought Schiff, if Jim’s thalamus could be activated by deep brain stimulation?

A brain pacemaker was implanted into Jim. After its two electrodes delivered pulses of electricity to his thalamus, he was able to use words and gestures, respond reliably to requests, eat normally, drink from a cup, and carry out simple tasks such as brushing his hair. Schiff believes that once a brain re-engages with the world, it accelerates processes of repair. For the next six years, before Jim died of unrelated causes, he kept his mind above the minimally conscious state. “He could converse in short sentences reliably and consistently and make his wishes known,” says Schiff. “He could chew and swallow and eat ice-cream and hang out. His family told us that they had him back.” The case made the front page of the New York Times. “I prayed for a miracle,” his mother told me at the time he was brought back. “The most important part is that he can say ‘Mummy and Pop, I love you.’ God bless those wonderful doctors. I still cry every time I see my son, but it is tears of joy.”

In a forested campus south of Liège, Steven Laureys studies vegetative patients in research that dates back decades. Working there as part of the Cyclotron Research Centre in the 1990s, he was surprised when PET brain scans revealed that the patients could respond to a mention of their own name. Meanwhile, on the other side of the Atlantic, Nicholas Schiff was finding that partially working regions lay within catastrophically injured brains. What did it all mean?

At that time, doctors thought they already knew the answers: no patient in a persistent vegetative state was conscious. Medical practitioners, with the best intentions, thought it was perfectly acceptable to end the life of a vegetative patient by starvation and the withdrawal of water. This was the age of what Laureys calls “therapeutic nihilism”.

What Owen, Laureys and Schiff were proposing was a rethink of some of the patients who were considered vegetative. A few of them could even be classed as being fully conscious and locked-in. The establishment was doggedly opposed. “The hostility we encountered [in the late 1990s] went well beyond simple scepticism,” says Schiff. Looking back, Laureys pauses and smiles thinly: “Medical doctors do not like to be told they are wrong.”

Then came 2006. Owen and Laureys were trying to find a reliable way to communicate with patients in a vegetative state, including Gillian. In July 2005, this 23-year-old had been crossing a road, chatting on her mobile phone. She was struck by two cars and diagnosed as vegetative.

Five months later, a strange piece of serendipity allowed Gillian to unlock her box. “I just had a hunch,” says Owen. “I asked a healthy control [subject] to imagine playing tennis. Then I asked her to imagine walking through the rooms of her house.” Imagining tennis activates part of the cortex called the supplementary motor area, involved in the mental simulation of movements. But imagining walking around the house activates the parahippocampal gyrus in the core of the brain, the posterior parietal lobe, and the lateral premotor cortex. So, if people were asked to imagine tennis for “yes” and walking around the house for “no”, they could answer questions via fMRI.

Gazing into Gillian’s “vegetative” brain with the brain scanner, he asked her to imagine the same things – and saw strikingly similar activation patterns to the healthy volunteers. It was an electric moment. Owen could read her mind.

Gillian’s case, published in the journal Science in 2006, made front-page headlines around the world. The result provoked wonder and, of course, disbelief. “Broadly speaking, I received two types of email from my peers,” says Owen. “‘This is amazing – well done!’ and ‘How could you possibly say this woman is conscious?'”

As the old saw goes, extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. The sceptics suggested that it was wrong to make these “radical inferences” when there could be a more straightforward interpretation. Daniel Greenberg, a psychologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, suggested that, “the brain activity was unconsciously triggered by the last word of the instructions, which always referred to the item to be imagined”.

Parashkev Nachev, a neurologist now at University College London, says he objected to Owen’s 2006 paper not on grounds of implausibility or a flawed statistical analysis but because of “errors of inference”. Although a conscious brain, when imagining tennis, triggers a certain pattern of activation, it does not necessarily mean the same pattern of activation signifies consciousness. The same brain area can be activated in many circumstances, Nachev says, with or without any conscious correlate. Moreover, he argues that Gillian was not offered a true choice to think about playing tennis. Just as a lack of response could be because of an inability to respond or a decision not to co- operate, a direct response to a simple instruction could be a conscious decision or a reflex.

What is needed is less philosophising and more data, says Owen. A follow-up study published in 2010 by Owen, Laureys and colleagues tested 54 patients with a clinical diagnosis of being in a vegetative state or a minimally conscious state; five responded in the same way as Gillian. Four were supposedly in a vegetative state at admission.

Owen, Schiff and Laureys have explored alternative explanations of what they observed and, for example, acknowledge that the brain areas they study when they interrogate patients can be activated in other ways. But the 2010 paper ruled out such automatic behaviours as an explanation, they say: the activations persist too long to signify anything other than intent. “You cannot communicate unconsciously – it is just not possible,” says Owen. “We have won that argument”.

Since Owen’s 2006 Science paper, studies in Belgium, the UK, the US and Canada suggest that a significant proportion of patients who were classified as vegetative in recent years have been misdiagnosed – Owen estimates perhaps as many as 20 per cent. Schiff, who weighs up the extent of misdiagnosis a different way, goes further. Based on recent studies, he says around 40 per cent of patients thought to be vegetative are, when examined more closely, partly aware. Among this group of supposedly vegetative patients are those who are revealed by scanners to be able to communicate and should be diagnosed as locked-in, if they are fully conscious, or minimally conscious, if their abilities wax and wane.

There is anecdotal evidence that when contact is re-established with the occupant of a living box they are understandably morose, even suicidal. They have been ground down by frustration at their powerlessness, over the months, even years, it can take to recognise their plight. Yet the human spirit is resilient, so much so that they can become accustomed to life in this twilight state. In a survey of patients with locked-in syndrome, Laureys has found that when a line of communication is set up, the majority become acclimatised to their situation, even content (again, these insights took time to be accepted by the medical and scientific establishment – and even to be published in a scientific journal – reflecting the prevailing unease about the implications for hospitals and care homes).

The important question is detecting the extent to which such patients are conscious. Studies of large numbers of patients with brain injuries, and how they fare over the years, show that it makes a huge difference to the chance of recovery if a patient is minimally conscious rather than vegetative. The former have fragmentary understanding and awareness and may recover enough to return to work within a year or two.

Yet there are still surprises, such as the case of New York fireman Don Herbert, who awoke after a decade from a minimally conscious state caused by a severe brain injury suffered while fighting a fire in 1995. Schiff has used a technique called diffusion tensor imaging to show how a brain can rewire itself even decades after an injury – yet in the past year, even he has recommended withdrawing care from a man who had lain in a coma for eight weeks after a cardiac arrest. “I was wrong,” he says. “This man is now back at work.”

Parashkev Nachev has not changed his view since he first criticised Owen’s work, and spelt out the basis of his unease in a more detailed paper published in 2010. “For every relative of a living PVS [persistent vegetative state] patient given (probably false) hope, another is burdened with the guilt of having acquiesced in the withdrawal of treatment from someone who – he has been led to believe – may have been more alive than it seemed,” he says. “There are moral costs to false positives as well as to false negatives.

“I find the whole media circus surrounding the issue rather distasteful. The relatives of these patients are distressed enough as it is.”

Laureys, Owen and Schiff spend a great deal of time with the families and understand these sensitivities only too well. Owen counters that, from his years of experience dealing with the families, they are grateful that doctors and scientists take an interest and are doing everything they can. “These patients have been short-changed over the years,” he insists.

Owen is adamant that doctors have a moral duty to provide a correct diagnosis, even if the results cause guilt, unease or distress. “We must give every patient the best chance of an accurate diagnosis, so we can give them the appropriate care that goes along with that diagnosis.”

Under the umbrella classification of “vegetative” lies a vast array of brain injuries and, as a result, even some of the most vocal critics accept that some vegetative patients are not as diminished as traditional measures suggest. Professor Lynne Turner-Stokes chairs a group for the Royal College of Physicians that is revising UK guidelines on “Prolonged Disorders of Consciousness”. She remains unconvinced that the exceptional cases identified by Owen, Laureys and Schiff are particularly common or that enough has been done to establish brain scanners as a standard tool for routine diagnosis, particularly when the cost and convenience of these methods are taken into account. When it comes to extending these tests to all patients in a vegetative states as standard practice, “The evidence is just not there yet,” she says.

But she stresses that she is simply being cautious, not sceptical, describing the work of Owen, Laureys and Schiff as “important and exciting”. “We are only just beginning to scratch the surface,” she says. “But I have no doubt [these techniques] will have a place, eventually, in the evaluation of patients.”

Back on Skype, Owen smiles, considering whether to tell me what he is planning next. His partner, Jessica Grahn, also a neuroscientist, became pregnant at the start of 2013. What happens when consciousness winks on in the developing brain? He emails me a video of their unborn child, a montage of fMRI slices through their baby’s head, as it twists and turns in Jessica’s womb. “My colleagues have been doing fMRI on my wife’s tummy every week for a few weeks now to see if we can activate the foetus’s brain,” he writes. “It is amazing.”

Some names have been changed to protect identities. Adrian Owen’s friend Anne remains in a vegetative state. Adrian Owen and Jessica Grahn’s baby boy was born on 9 October 2013.

What doesn’t kill us…

06 Tuesday Nov 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in PTSD

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adversity, autonomy, avoidance, cognitive processing, compassion, coping, distress, family, friends, gratitude, Grief, intrusion, measures, personal growth, positive changes, post-traumatic growth, post-traumatic stress, psychologists, psychology, PTSD, relationships, resilience, self-acceptance, Self-esteem, support, theory, trauma, vulnerability, well-being

What doesn’t kill us…

The field of psychological trauma is changing as researchers recognise that adversity does not always lead to a damaged and dysfunctional life. Post-traumatic growth refers to how adversity can be a springboard to higher levels of psychological well-being. This article provides an overview of theory, practice and research. To what extent is post-traumatic stress the engine of post-traumatic growth? How can clinicians measure change? What can help people to thrive following adversity?

Suffering is universal: you attempt to subvert it so that it does not have a destructive, negative effect. You turn it around so that it becomes a creative, positive force.
Terry Waite, who survived four years as a hostage in solitary confinement (quoted in Joseph, 2012, p.143)

Scientific interest in positive changes following adversity was sparked when a handful of studies appeared in the late 1980s and early 1990s, reporting positive changes in, for example, rape survivors, male cardiac patients, bereaved adults, survivors of shipping disaster, and combat veterans. Then, the topic of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was relatively new (following its introduction in 1980 by the American Psychiatric Association), and was attracting much research interest. The relatively few observations of positive change were overshadowed by research on the ways in which trauma could lead to the destruction and devastation of a person’s life.

But interest in how trauma can be a catalyst for positive changes began to take hold during the mid 1990s when the concept of post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996) was introduced. It proved to be popular and became the descriptor for a field of inquiry attracting international attention from researchers, scholars and practitioners (see, Calhoun & Tedeschi, 2006; Joseph & Linley, 2008a; Weiss & Berger, 2010). Over the past decade it has developed into one of the flagship topics for positive psychology (Seligman, 2011). This article aims to provide a state-of-the-art review of the psychology of post-traumatic growth.

What is post-traumatic growth?
After experiencing a traumatic event, people often report three ways in which their psychological functioning increases:
1.    Relationships are enhanced in some way. For example, people describe that they come to value their friends and family more, feel an increased sense of compassion for others and a longing for more intimate relationships.
2.    People change their views of themselves. For example, developing in wisdom, personal strength and gratitude, perhaps coupled with a greater acceptance of their vulnerabilities and limitations.
3.    People describe changes in their life philosophy. For example, finding a fresh appreciation for each new day and re-evaluating their understanding of what really matters in life, becoming less materialistic and more able to live in the present.

Several self-report psychometric tools were published during the 1990s to assess positive changes following trauma, the first such measure was the Changes in Outlook Questionnaire (Joseph et al., 1993), followed by the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996); the Stress Related Growth Scale (Park et al., 1996), the Perceived Benefit Scale (McMillen & Fisher, 1998), and the Thriving Scale (Abraido-Lanza et al., 1998). Each of these measures asks respondents to think about how they have changed since an event and to rate the extent of their change on a series of items.

Using such measures of perceived growth, and open-ended interviews, a large number of studies have shown that growth is common for survivors of various traumatic events, including transportation accidents (shipping disasters, plane crashes, car accidents), natural disasters (hurricanes, earthquakes), interpersonal experiences (combat, rape, sexual assault, child abuse), medical problems (cancer, heart attack, brain injury, spinal cord injury, HIV/AIDS, leukaemia, rheumatoid arthritis, multiple sclerosis) and other life experiences (relationship breakdown, parental divorce, bereavement, emigration). Typically 30–70 per cent of survivors will say that they have experienced positive changes of one form or another (Linley & Joseph, 2004).

Practitioners in health, clinical and counselling psychology will encounter patients daily whose lives have been affected by such events. Up to now practitioners may have drawn on theories of post-traumatic stress to help their patients. A pressing theoretical issue therefore is the relation between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth. How can these new ideas improve how we work with patients?

Theory and practice of post-traumatic growth
Research is now untangling a seemingly intricate dance between post-traumatic stress processes and post-traumatic growth. The most successful attempt to date is organismic valuing theory, which explains how post-traumatic growth arises as a result of post-traumatic stress. This is a person-centred theory that draws together information processing and social cognitive theories of post-traumatic stress with research on self-determination theory. The theory shows trauma leads to a breakdown in self-structure, signalled by the experiences of post-traumatic stress indicating the need to cognitively process the new trauma-related information. People are intrinsically motivated towards processing the new trauma-related information in ways that maximise their psychological well-being (Joseph & Linley, 2005, 2006).

Organismic valuing refers to how intrinsic motivation is experienced by the person. One woman who was caught up in a fatal shooting in which her close friend was killed, and who had suffered from considerable post-traumatic stress for several years, said how she woke early one morning after a night of restless sleep and got up to look at a picture of her children:

In the silent wee hours of the morning, I sat staring at their picture and began to sob. Through my sobs, I heard the real voice of wisdom I believe we all possess. It was my voice, the voice that knows me best, but a voice that had become muted. Guess what. No one is coming to change the situation. No one will rescue you. No one can. It’s up to you. Find your strength. I realised that as long as I remained a victim, I too made my family a victim. My anxiety could only teach them to be anxious. I was robbing them of happiness and a positive outlook on the world. I had come to the intersection of intersections. I could choose to end my life or I could choose to live. I needed to live for my family – and later I understood most importantly, for myself. (quoted in Joseph, 2012, p.142)

Post-traumatic growth involves the rebuilding of the shattered assumptive world. This can be illustrated through the metaphor of the shattered vase. Imagine that one day you accidentally knock a treasured vase off its perch. It smashes into tiny pieces. What do you do? Do you try to put the vase back together as it was? Do you collect the pieces and drop them in the rubbish, as the vase is a total loss? Or do you pick up the beautiful coloured pieces and use them to make something new – such as a colourful mosaic? When adversity strikes, people often feel that at least some part of them – be it their views of the world, their sense of themselves, their relationships – has been smashed. Those who try to put their lives back together exactly as they were remain fractured and vulnerable. But those who accept the breakage and build themselves anew become more resilient and open to new ways of living.

These changes do not necessarily mean that the person will be entirely free of the memories of what has happened to them, the grief they experience or other forms of distress, but that they live their lives more meaningfully in the light of what happened.

The implication of organismic valuing theory is that post-traumatic stress is the catalyst for post-traumatic growth. Helgeson et al. (2006) conducted a meta-analytic review concluding that greater post-traumatic growth was related to more intrusive and avoidant post-traumatic stress experiences. As intrusion and avoidance are generally seen as symptoms of PTSD at first glance this result would seem to suggest that post-traumatic growth is indicative of poor mental health, but consistent with organismic valuing theory Helgeson et al. suggest is that these constructs reflect cognitive processing:
Experiencing intrusive thoughts about a stressor may be a signal that people are working through the implications of the stressor for their lives, and these implications could lead to growth. In fact, some might argue that a period of contemplation and consideration of the stressor is necessary for growth to occur. (p.810)

It is in this sense that post-traumatic stress can be conceptualised as the engine of post-traumatic growth. This is also the conclusion of a recent study by Dekel and colleagues (2012), who set out to shed light on the interplay between PTSD and post-traumatic growth. Using longitudinal self-report data from Israeli combat veterans who were studied over 17 years, with assessment at three time points, the researchers found that greater PTSD in 1991 predicted greater growth in 2003, and greater PTSD in 2003 predicted greater growth in 2008.
However, it also seems that the relationship between post-traumatic growth and post-traumatic stress is a function of the intensity of post-traumatic stress. Butler et al. (2005), for example, in their study following the attacks of September 2001, found that greater post-traumatic stress was associated with greater post-traumatic growth, but only up to a point, above which post-traumatic growth declines.

Could there be a curvilinear relationship between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth? Low levels of post-traumatic stress reactions indicate that the person has been minimally affected, thus one would expect minimal post-traumatic growth. A moderate level of post-traumatic stress is indicative that the individual’s assumptive world has in some way been challenged triggering the intrusive and avoidant experiences, but the person remains able to cope, think clearly, and engage sufficiently in the necessary affective-cognitive processing needed to work through. A high level of post-traumatic stress, however, where a diagnosis of PTSD might be considered, is likely to mean that the person’s coping ability is undermined and their ability to affectively-cognitively process and work through their experience is impeded. The inverted U-shape relationship between post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth has been reported in several studies (e.g. Kunst, 2010).

Thus, through the above research and theory we are developing a new understanding of psychological trauma that integrates post-traumatic stress and post-traumatic growth within a single conceptual framework which can guide clinical practice. A new constructive narrative framework that can guide practitioners is the THRIVE model (Joseph, 2012). THRIVE consists of six signposts (see box). Starting with ‘taking stock’, the therapist works with the client to alleviate problems of post-traumatic stress sufficiently so as to enable them to engage in effortful cognitive processing. Then follows five further signposts in which the therapist can work alongside the client. Post-traumatic growth provides practitioners with a new set of tools in their armoury for working with traumatised patients. 

New directions
Each of the measures mentioned above provides a particular operational definition of the construct, and they tend to be only moderately inter-correlated. Unlike, for example, the construct of post-traumatic stress disorder, which has an agreed definition provided by DSM around which measurement tools can be developed, there is no gold standard definition of post-traumatic growth. One suggestion arising from organismic valuing theory is to reframe post-traumatic growth as an increase in psychological well-being (PWB) as opposed to subjective well-being (SWB) (Joseph & Linley, 2008b). Traditionally, the focus of clinical psychology has been on SWB, which can be broadly defined as emotional states. Clinical psychology has been largely concerned with the alleviation of negative emotional states. With positive psychology in the background, clinical psychologists are now also concerned with the facilitation of positive emotional states. But post-traumatic growth does not refer to a positive emotional state but to an increase in PWB, defined as high levels of autonomy, environmental mastery, positive relations with others, openness to personal growth, purpose in life and self-acceptance (see box).

The topic of post-traumatic growth has also attracted interest from quantitative researchers in personality and social psychology. People may say they have grown, but have they really? There is a limitation to the above-mentioned measures, which is that they rely on retrospective accounts of change – that is, asking people to report on what positive changes they perceive themselves to have experienced since an event. We might refer to this as perceptions of growth to distinguish from actual growth, as measured by calculating the difference between state measures of psychological well-being before and after trauma.

Research suggests that the strength of association between actual and perceived growth is moderated by the degree of distress: for those who are most distressed there is a weaker correlation, but for those who are less distressed there is a moderate association (Gunty et al., 2011). It may be that perceptions of growth are at times illusory and a way of coping with distress (Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). Therefore researchers do need to be wary of always taking reports of growth at face value, particularly in the immediate aftermath of a crisis when people are most distressed.

However, while we may question people’s perceptions of growth, there is no question that actual post-traumatic growth occurs, as this has been demonstrated in before-and-after studies (e.g. Peterson & Seligman, 2003). What is now needed are more prospective longitudinal studies able to document the development of growth over time, how both actual and perceived growth co-vary over time and how they relate to other variables – both as outcome variables in order to understand the development of growth, and as predictor variables in order to understand the consequences of growth. Research shows that greater post-traumatic growth is associated with: personality factors, such as emotional stability, extraversion, openness to experience, optimism and self-esteem; ways of coping, such as acceptance, positive reframing, seeking social support, turning to religion, problem solving; and social support factors (Prati & Pietrantoni, 2009). But now more sophisticated theoretically informed designs are also called for in which we can begin to understand the factors that mediate and moderate post-traumatic stress and thus lead to post-traumatic growth. As an example of the directions that social and personality researchers may pursue, in one recent study it was found that emotion-focused coping mediated the association between subjective ratings of distress and post-traumatic growth and that emotional intelligence moderated
the association between emotion-focused coping and post-traumatic growth (Linley et al., 2011). While there is much that can be learned from quantitative research, there is also a need for qualitative research to explore new contexts (e.g. Splevins et al., 2011) and interventions (e.g. Hefferon et al., 2008).

Conclusion

The idea of post-traumatic growth has become one of the most exciting topics in modern psychology because it changes how we think about psychological trauma. Psychologists are beginning to realise that post-traumatic stress following trauma is not always a sign of disorder. Instead, post-traumatic stress can signal that the person is going through a normal and natural emotional struggle to rebuild their lives and make sense of what has befallen them. Sadly it often takes a tragic event in our lives before we make such changes. Survivors have much to teach those of us who haven’t experienced such traumas about how to live.

Box

THRIVE
Taking stock (Making sure the client is safe and helping them learn to manage their post-traumatic stress to tolerable levels, e.g. through exposure-related exercises).
Harvesting hope (Learning to be hopeful about the future, e.g. looking for inspirational stories of people who have overcome similar obstacles).
Re-authoring (Storytelling, e.g. using expressive writing techniques to find new perspectives).
Identifying change (Noticing post-traumatic growth, e.g. using the  Psychological Well-Being Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire  to track change).
Valuing change (Developing awareness of new priorities, e.g. positive psychology gratitude exercise).
Expressing change in action (Actively seeking to put post-traumatic growth into the external world, e.g. making a plan of activity for following week that involves doing concrete things).

BOX: Assessing growth
Think of how you yourself have been influenced by events in your own life. The Psychological Well-Being Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire (PWB-PTCQ) was developed to assess post-traumatic growth as defined by an increase in PWB. The PWB-PTCQ is an 18-item self-report tool in which people rate how much they have changed as a result of the trauma. A short six-item version is shown below.

Read each statement below and rate how you have changed as a result of the trauma.

5     = Much more so now
4     = A bit more so now
3     = I feel the same about this as before
2     = A bit less so now
1     = Much less so now

1.    I like myself
2.    I have confidence in my opinions
3.    I have a sense of purpose in life
4.    I have strong and close relationships in my life
5.    I feel I am in control of my life
6.    I am open to new experiences that challenge me

People may find it useful to use the PWB-PTCQ to gain insight into how they have changed. Often these dimensions of change go unnoticed in everyday life but deserve to be flagged up and nurtured. Clinicians will find the new tool useful as it allows them to bridge their traditional concerns of psychological suffering with the new positive psychology of growth following adversity (see Joseph et al., 2012).


Stephen Joseph is a Professor at the University of Nottingham and Honorary Consultant in Nottinghamshire NHS?Trust
stephen.joseph@nottingham.ac.uk

References

Abraido-Lanza, A.F. Guier, C. & Colon, R.M. (1998). Psychological thriving among Latinas with chronic illness. Journal of Social Issues, 54, 405–424. American Psychiatric Association (1980). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd edn). Washington, DC: Author.

Butler, L.D., Blasey, C.M., Garlan, R.W. et al. (2005). Posttraumatic growth following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001: Cognitive, coping and trauma symptom predictors in an internet convenience sample. Traumatology, 11, 247–267.

Calhoun, L.G. &Tedeschi, R.G. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of posttraumatic growth: Research and practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Dekel, S., Ein-Dor, T. & Solomon, Z. (2012). Posttraumatic growth and posttraumatic distress: A longitudinal study. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice and Policy, 4, 94–101.

Gunty, A.L., Frazier, P.A., Tennen, H. et al. (2011).Moderators of the relation between perceived and actual posttraumatic growth. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 3, 61–66.

Hefferon, K., Grealy, M. & Mutrie, N. (2008). The perceived influence of an exercise class intervention on the process and outcomes of posttraumatic growth. Journal of Mental Health and Physical Activity, 1, 32–39.

Helgeson, V.S., Reynolds., K.A. & Tomich, P.L. (2006). A meta-analytic review of benefit finding and growth. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 74, 797–816.

Joseph, S. (2012). What doesn’t kill us: The new psychology of posttraumatic growth. London: Piatkus Little Brown.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2005). Positive adjustment to threatening events: An organismic valuing theory of growth through adversity. Review of General Psychology, 262–280.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2006). Growth following adversity: Theoretical perspectives and implications for clinical practice. Clinical Psychology Review, 26, 1041–1053.

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A. (2008a). Psychological assessment of growth following adversity: A review. In S. Joseph & P.A. Linley (Eds.) Trauma, recovery, and growth: Positive psychological perspectives on posttraumatic stress. (pp.21–38). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley .

Joseph, S. & Linley, P.A (Eds.) (2008b). Trauma, recovery, and growth. Positive psychological perspectives on posttraumatic stress. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Joseph, S., Maltby, J. Wood, A.M. et al. (2012). Psychological Well-Being – Post-Traumatic Changes Questionnaire (PWB–PTCQ): Reliability and validity. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice and Policy, 4(4), 420–428

Joseph, S., Williams, R. & Yule, W. (1993). Changes in outlook following disaster: The preliminary development of a measure to assess positive and negative responses. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 6, 271–279.

Kunst, M.J.J. (2010). Peritraumatic distress, posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, and posttraumatic growth in victims of violence. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 23, 514–518.

Linley, P.A., Felus, A., Gillett, R. & Joseph, S. (2011). Emotional expression and growth following adversity: Emotional expression mediates subjective distress and is moderated by emotional intelligence. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 16, 387–401.

Linley, P.A. & Joseph, S. (2004). Positive change processes following trauma and adversity: A review of the empirical literature. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 17, 11–22.

McMillen, J.C. & Fisher, R.H. (1998). The Perceived Benefits Scales: Measuring perceived positive life changes after negative events. Social Work Research, 22, 173–187.

Park, C.L., Cohen, L.H. & Murch, R.L. (1996). Assessment and prediction of stress-related growth. Journal of Personality, 64, 71–105.

Peterson, C. & Seligman, M.E.P. (2003). Character strengths before and after September 11th. Psychological Science, 14, 381–384.

Prati, G. & Pietrantoni, L. (2009). Optimism, social support, and coping strategies as factors contributing to posttraumatic growth: A meta-analysis. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 14, 364–388.

Seligman, M.E.P. (2011). Flourish. New York: Free Press.

Splevins, K.A., Cohen, K., Joseph, S. et al. (2011). Vicarious posttraumatic growth among interpreters. Qualitative Health Research 20, 1705–1716.

Tedeschi, R.G. & Calhoun, L.G. (1996). The Posttraumatic Growth Inventory: Measuring the positive legacy of trauma. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 9, 455–471.

Weiss, T. & Berger, R. (Eds.) (2010). Posttraumatic growth and culturally competent practice: Lessons learned from around the globe. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Zoellner, T. & Maercker, A. (2006). Posttraumatic growth in clinical psychology. Clinical Psychology Review, 26, 626–653.

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