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a1000shadesofhurt

a1000shadesofhurt

Monthly Archives: February 2012

Eating Disorders: Body Language

06 Monday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Eating Disorders

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'impulsive' eating, 'restrictive' eating, anorexia, binge eating, boundaries, calories, compulsive eating, conflict, control, coping mechanism, development, Eating Disorders, emotional difficulties, emotions, family, food, GPs, hospitalisation, meal plans, medical treatment, psychotherapy, recovery, relapse, responsibility, safe, Self-esteem, support, symptoms, team, therapists, Therapy, treatment, vomiting

2001:

Body language

We have an epidemic of eating disorders on our hands. The Mental Health Foundation estimates that one in 20 women will suffer some symptoms of eating disorder. One in 100 will need medical treatment. Of these, 20 per cent will die and many more will relapse or never be cured. While anorexia has existed in medical literature since 1868, it was rare up until the middle of the 20th century. From the 60s onwards, it has spread like a virus through wealthy and developed countries (it’s rare to nonexistent in the Third World), mutating to incorporate bulimia (binge eating followed by self-induced vomiting up to 30 or 40 times a day), compulsive eating (massive overeating without vomiting) and – in the past decade – bulimia with other impulsive and destructive behaviours including self-harm (cutting or burning parts of the body), drink and drug binges, and sexual promiscuity. The Eating Disorders Association now takes between 5,000 to 10,000 calls a month on its helpline.

This is a girl’s problem. While anorexics and bulimics exist in both genders and at all ages, the overwhelming majority are female and young – the core age range is 14 to 25 – which accounts for much of its horrible glamour. In spite of the scale of the problem, it is one of the most poorly understood and enigmatic of all mental-health disorders.

Gemma, now 22, developed anorexia at one of the key trigger points for eating disorders: the onset of puberty. (The other is leaving home for the first time. Other big life changes associated with loss are also common triggers, including parental divorce, changing school, or bereavement.) ‘I can remember watching a documentary about Karen Carpenter on TV when I was only 10. I’d never even heard of eating disorders, but for some reason, it rang a bell with me. Deep down I felt some kind of recognition with her anorexia.’ Her problems began the following year. ‘I had always been a hypersensitive child. I was quite popular at school, but I felt overwhelmingly lonely. I wanted to be special, indispensable, the one that everyone turned to with their problems.’ She began with mini-fasts. ‘I’d stop eating completely for a couple of days at a time. My friends all noticed and gave me lots of attention.’

Gemma couldn’t starve herself completely for more than a few days ‘so I developed a new idea. Instead of eating nothing for a short time, what about eating just a little bit all the time?’ Within a few weeks she had lost a stone. ‘My life revolved around calories and meal plans. I was obsessed.’

The rigid structure of her eating plans and the sense of control over her life that it gave her were irresistibly attractive. Lunch was reduced first to half a jacket potato, then to three slices of tomato. She fought to deny her hunger, drinking six cans of Diet Coke in one go to feel full up. ‘If I decided I could eat at 7pm, I’d try to push myself to wait until 7.30pm or 8pm. I’d take a mouthful of food, then see if I could wait two minutes before I took another one.’

She lost more than 3st in three months, taking her weight below 6st. ‘I was hungry and freezing all the time. I had radiator burns all over my body from lying against them trying to get warm.’ Her family, whom she describes as ‘close and loving’, was overwhelmed. Her mother couldn’t speak to her without crying. ‘I was horrified about what I was doing to them. But in a way, that made me feel more unworthy than ever. I deserved to fade away to nothing.’

Rosemary, now 27, suffered from anorexia for 11 years. There is a history of depression in her family, and at 15 she was dogged by feelings of sadness and futility. She was also struggling for autonomy in a strict family. ‘I didn’t get on with my mother – we had always clashed. She was full of anger, and at the time I felt that I hated her. But I couldn’t express my feelings. I internalised them.’

Anorexia can be described as an inappropriate expression of overwhelming emotions and conflicts. Rather than shout, scream, ask for what she wants, or say no to what she doesn’t, the eating-disordered girl turns the conflict in on herself. ‘One day I realised I felt much better and tried to work out why. I hadn’t eaten that day and I fixated on that as the reason for my improved mood.’ A decade of absolute despair followed. ‘Previously I’d been anxious about so many things – about illness, death, my family and my fear that nobody liked me or ever would. Now I only thought about one thing: food, and not eating. At first it was such a relief not to worry about anything else. The eating disorder started as a coping mechanism to help me avoid my other problems. But in the end it became my biggest problem of all.’

These are just two snapshots of routes into anorexia. There are many thousands more, all different. They illustrate the difficulty of analysing, understanding or treating eating disorders. Is anorexia caused by a genetic predisposition? By an ‘anorexic personality’? By family dysfunction?

According to Dr Sarah McCluskey, who treats eating disorders at The Priory clinic, there is never a cause, but rather a jigsaw of causes. ‘In this jigsaw there may well be a dysfunctional family, a family history of eating disorders, key trigger events, abuse, trauma, and fear or confusion about sexual maturation. In one person, the family-dysfunction piece of the jigsaw may be large, with some other factors making up a smaller part. But in another, external triggers such as bereavement or illness are the big part.’ The disorder is badly named, because eating isn’t the problem, but a way of avoiding other problems. Some therapists call it ‘a self-esteem disorder’ because one of the few traits common to all patients is a chronic lack of self-worth.

‘You start with a certain kind of personality, which is probably just the way the child is born,’ says Dr Dee Dawson, who treats eating-disordered children and adolescents at her private clinic, Rhodes Farm in London. ‘They may be particularly anxious or sensitive. They are often “model children”: well-mannered, high-achieving, and popular. They are almost always non-confrontational. When the eating disorder gets hold, it is a terrible shock for the family. They typically say things like, “But we’ve never had a day’s worry with her.” The personality alone doesn’t cause the disorder. There is always some kind of additional problem. In some children it’s the normal, unavoidable problems of puberty and growing up: popularity, family arguments, academic pressures and sexual development. In others, there is more serious trauma or family dysfunction.’

The multiple causes of eating disorders explains why most girls with similar problems or family backgrounds don’t develop them. They also highlight the problem of treating the many thousands who do: treatment has to be tailored to every individual case and address all the different ways the disorder starts and develops. And eating disorders are notoriously difficult to treat.

Treatment itself is often controversial, scandalously inadequate and confusingly varied. There are still only a tiny number of NHS inpatient centres – even in London there are only two – with slightly more specialist day-care centres. In Wales and the south-west of England, there are none. The rest of the country has patchy, isolated services. Treatments vary, but a programme of re-feeding combined with some kind of ‘talking therapy’ to deal with underlying emotional issues is the standard model.

A larger number of private clinics offer treatments ranging from the addiction-model 12-step approach, through intensive psychotherapy with the whole gamut of medical, New Age, conventional and alternative treatments in between.

Attitudes to treatment are as various as the treatments themselves. Some centres provide authoritarian regimes where patients are ‘punished’ for not eating by withdrawal of privileges, such as use of the phone. Others allow patients to dictate their own pace and model of recovery. In some cases, the emphasis is on physically re-feeding. In others, it is on therapy. All treatments have a high relapse rate. Recovery rates – classified as freedom from behaviours after five years – for the best, most extensive and long-term treatments are 65 per cent for anorexics. Overall, about one third recover, one-third remain vulnerable but manage their disorder well, and one-third don’t recover and either develop chronic disorders, wrecking their health, relationships and employment prospects, or die.

The St George’s Eating Disorders Unit, based at Springfield Hospital in London, is the biggest specialist NHS eating-disorder unit in the country, with a total of 40 beds for inpatients, and an extensive outpatient centre. Inpatients are the most severe cases, and the most physically and psychologically damaged.

St George’s is the gold standard of current treatments, with a large, multidisciplinary team of some of the best-trained and most experienced specialists in the country. It’s the kind of treatment centre all eating-disordered patients should have access to, but very few do. What happens there is unusual. With its big team of medical doctors, psychotherapists, occupational therapists, social workers, family and relationship therapists and specialist nurses, it is one of the few places where all the multiple, complex problems of eating disorders can be treated at once, and where it is possible to build a complete picture of the causes, development and treatment of the modern epidemic.

I am allowed to sit in on the weekly ‘ward round’ – a case conference with the patient and all the members of her treatment team to discuss her progress. In practice, this means one very small girl sits facing up to 17 professionals. To me, it looks intimidating and heartless. But the founding principle of treatment here is ‘alliance’. Inpatients are there by choice. They have agreed to participate in the programme, and Professor Hubert Lacey, who heads the unit, insists that everyone involved in the treatment is equal – therapists, nurses, himself and the patient.

‘Treatment doesn’t work until and unless the patient wants it. She has to take responsibility for her illness and for her recovery, and the programme is designed so she can’t abdicate that. It can seem intimidating to walk into the room with all those people, but it means we aren’t discussing her behind her back. She’s there as an equal party, able to participate and contribute.’

Before she comes into the room, separate members of the team give a summary of their report. A doctor briefly describes the chain of events which apparently precipitated her disorder (bereavement, illness, family conflicts). What she has drawn in art therapy may be shown and discussed. How she has responded in the group discussion sessions will be noted (‘This week we talked about loss. She sat staring at the ground with tears rolling down her face, but didn’t speak.’) Her psychotherapist will raise any issues that seem to be progressing or unresolved, or the effects of ‘transference’ of the patient’s history and emotions on to members of the team (‘She’s angry because her key worker went on leave for two weeks.’) Her social worker and family therapist will discuss her background, any contact with the family, and whether her social/employment/ study network beyond the hospital is a positive one.

Her key worker – the specialist nurse responsible for her day-to-day care – will give a summary of eating and any other ‘behaviours’, such as self-harming, vomiting or manipulating food. At the outset, St George’s informs all inpatients of a set of non-negotiable rules, or ‘appropriate boundaries’. These include no behaviours, a commitment to work at the recovery programme, and a target weight which is worked towards in agreed weekly increments. A patient who breaks those rules is placed on a ‘time-out’ and sent home for a week to consider whether she will re-commit to the programme. If she breaks the rules repeatedly, she is discharged from the programme.

I watch a steady stream of girls file in. They are all aged between 18 and 30. They all look younger. Some of them are aggressive and angry. Some are quiet and terrified. Everything about the way they look, sit and speak telegraphs pain. I’m surprised by how emotional I feel as I listen to them. I want to do something – anything – to soothe them. Eating disorders are surrounded by myths and misconceptions: they’re about vanity, they’re ‘self-imposed’, they happen to silly girls who have got out of control with their silly diets. All wrong. Watching and listening to them, even for a few minutes, it isn’t possible to entertain any of those myths. In the most deliberate and inescapable way, the girls are using their bodies to ask for help.

When time-outs or admonishments are being administered, I can’t believe how the team can be so tough in the face of such overwhelming distress. Often, the time-outs come after a patient has admitted to behaviours rather than been caught out. She can’t believe she is being ‘punished’ for being honest. Others, who haven’t reached their target weight, are rigid with fear that they might be sent home. They know how fragile their recovery is and they are terrifyingly dependent on their carers.

Chris Prestwood is the nursing services manager. In his early forties, he has 16 years experience. He acknowledges that his role in the team is often to act as a ‘father figure’. ‘We have to have boundaries, and we have to stick to them. It’s what the girls need. It makes them feel safe.’

‘Safe’ is a word that recurs over and over when specialists and patients alike talk about eating disorders. ‘Here is a place where there are appropriate boundaries. Where people do what they’re supposed to, and what they say they will do. I had one patient whose mother was a very loving and well meaning “60s” mum. Her parenting model was to give her daughter total freedom to do whatever she wanted, whenever she wanted. That poor girl. Effectively, she’s had no parenting at all. She was desperate for boundaries. Anorexia gave her a sense of control that she’d always been lacking.’

Often, patients are discharged from the programme, or discharge themselves, long before they have recovered. Still painfully underweight, desperately unhappy, boiling with anger and pain and hell-bent on their own destruction. How can they just let them go? What happens to them? ‘They often come back. It’s common for girls to be in and out of here three, four times. There’s no point in them staying until they’re ready, but each visit helps them get a bit more ready.’

At the start of her inpatient stay, every girl is assessed and a programme devised. There are two main programmes: one for ‘restrictive’ eating disorders, patients who are anorexic and severely limiting the quantity and range of foods they eat, and another for ‘impulsive’ eating disorders, which includes vomiting after eating, self-harming, drug and alcohol abuse and ‘sexual disinhibition’.

‘There are differences in the personalities of the two types,’ says Chris. ‘The restrictive anorexic is desperate for control. She will usually be highly disciplined and rigidly organised. Her illness will probably have affected her whole life – she won’t have many social contacts, won’t go out much, and may be tormented by rituals surrounding eating or not eating. For instance, she may allow herself to eat just once a day, at six o’clock, and her food must be cut into four equal parts. If something happens, so she misses that six o’clock set time, she won’t eat at all.

‘The impulsive is the opposite – she is always out of control. She’ll be late for everything. Showing up 10 minutes late for an appointment, she might turn around and go home because “there’s no point”. She’ll appear to agree with her treatment, but change her mind the next day. But superficially, she often seems better than the restrictive anorexic. She often has friends and a good job. The impulsive may need a broader range of therapies to treat all her behaviours, but the anorexic will be harder to reach and engage.’

At the start, many if not most patients are in denial about their illness and will resist treatments. Water loading is common – filling up on fluids until they almost burst just before being weighed. They will try putting batteries or other weights inside their underwear or hair bands. At meals, they spread butter over their arms and through their hair when they think no one is watching. They might eat, but then leave the windows open in their rooms and sleep without a duvet, because they know that the colder you are the more calories your body burns to keep warm.

As well as a programme of eating and not indulging in behaviours, the patient attends at least several of the different therapies. In occupational therapy she learns to think and behave differently. Laura Lock heads the occupational therapy programme. ‘We teach them life skills, which fall into four main groups. The first is food management, which relates to buying, preparing and serving food, and can be the most traumatic experience. Next is social performance, where we help them learn how to communicate – literally how to introduce themselves to somebody and then have a conversation. How to disagree, how to negotiate. Then there’s occupational skills. Multiple phobias are common, so we help them to do things like use a bus or a train. And finally we teach personal skills, like coping with stress and anxiety, assertiveness and anger management. How to say no verbally rather than through food.’

All eating disorders arise because the patient has been unable to express their emotions in any other way. Art therapy is valuable for these patients early in the programme, when they still haven’t learnt to speak about their feelings. ‘Anorexia is like an anaesthetic,’ explains Chris. ‘It blocks access to the emotions. Once they begin to gain a little bit of weight, the emotions come back, and that’s when a crisis is likely to occur.’

Individual psychotherapy, group discussion groups with other patients and family therapy help to contain the emotions in a safe place, where they can finally be taken out, looked at and faced. ‘That’s why they say that recovery is worse than the illness. It is .’ Drama therapy is often helpful for impulsive patients. Many of the girls have a background of physical abuse and sexual trauma, and others have been physically and emotionally neglected or abandoned. Massage can be a safe form of physical contact and nurture. Nutritionists help to develop knowledge of food and build a new relationship to it. Social workers are assigned in cases where the patient is return ing to a difficult home or family situation. Every piece of the treatment jigsaw is vital. It’s why so many other treatments, which only offer some of these options, are doomed not to succeed, even when the therapists are skilled and committed.

Most of the patients develop eating disorders at a young age. ‘When they come in, they could be 20,’ explains Chris. ‘The first thing I might ask them is how old they really feel, because they feel as old as they were when the disorder started. That’s when they stopped. The treatment is designed to bring them up to their real age, but it’s very compressed. They might be going through four or five years’ worth of developing in six months. It’s terrifying, and unbelievably hard.’

It’s so hard that even at St George’s there are patients they can’t reach. ‘A lot of us are on a mission,’ admits Chris. ‘We become committed to a very great degree. We have to fight not to feel a sense of failure if we can’t help someone.’ That brings problems of its own. Carers can develop a hero complex, wanting to be the one to reach the girl nobody else can reach. They may cancel holidays, come into work when they’re sick. ‘It’s crucial to have your own boundaries, proper supervision and complete honesty in the team.’

The team relies heavily on each other. At the ward round, I hear the therapists describing their personal feelings about the patients. ‘I have a real soft spot for this girl,’ one therapist admits about one patient, ‘so you may have to take my views with that in mind.’ ‘And sometimes you really dislike a patient,’ says Chris. ‘They can be frustrating, manipulative, and play one member of the team off against another. It’s not a problem if everyone is open and honest with other members of the team.’

I also hear the therapists arguing about interpreting the patients’ problems and responses during treatment. Everyone broadly signs up to the jigsaw model of causes, but they disagree about the extent of different pieces. As a family therapist, Chris places a lot of emphasis on the family background. ‘There’s always a family problem of some kind with anorexics. I’ve never seen a case where there wasn’t. Not always deliberate abuse or neglect, although that’s common. But a parent may have been ill, and the girl has been forced to take care of herself and the rest of the family. Or the parents have a bad marriage and the child becomes the go-between and the emotional support for the mother.’

But Professor Lacey doesn’t reserve his compassion for the girls: ‘There are many factors involved. A lot of the pathology in the families has been caused by the eating disorder itself. By the time we see these girls, they have been ill for some time, and come in weighing 4st. Imagine what that has done to them all.’ When the patient leaves – usually after several months as an inpatient – her treatment continues as an outpatient for several years, gradually decreasing in intensity. It would be good to report that all patients and their families had access to the kind of staff and treatments available at St George’s, but the girls who pass through here are the exception, not the norm.

Getting help for eating disorders is often traumatic and tortuous. Parents wonder how much of their daughter’s strange behaviour can be attributed to the normal Sturm und Drang of adolescence. By the time it becomes plain that they have a serious problem on their hands, family relationships are strained, and the girl will resist any attempt to change her behaviour. The usual first step towards getting help is the family GP, but eating disorders need specialist help, preferably as early as possible. Most GPs are not equipped to deal with the level of secrecy and denial that are the trademarks of an established anorexic. Patients tell stories about being weighed fully clothed – and a pair of Dr Marten boots can weigh two pounds. Months can be lost while the family and GP try different diet sheets or antidepressants.

The specialist inpatient units such as St George’s typically get girls at more than 40 per cent below their normal body weight, many months or years into their disorder, when they are desperately sick and the family is in a state of despair. Getting the wrong help – too flaky, too authoritarian – is always a risk, and exacerbates the problem.

Gemma’s mother took her weekly to her GP to be weighed and to discuss her problems – all of which she denied, even when she developed bulimia and could be plainly heard vomiting a dozen times a day at home. Eventually, she was admitted to hospital. As there were no specialist units in her area, she was placed in the general psychiatric ward of the local hospital – a common practice.

‘They didn’t know what they were dealing with. Some of the nurses hated me, because they felt I was just doing it for attention. I needed 24-hour supervision and proper feeding, but I didn’t get it. They would threaten me with food – “If you don’t eat this, you’ll have to eat twice as much tomorrow” – they made it the enemy. The other patients could be very frightening. There were schizophrenics, manic depressives, people with all kinds of personality disorders. Patients would talk about my bed being the very bed where another patient had killed themself. Everybody was self-harming. They would take staples from a magazine and try to slash themselves with those. One boy sat talking and laughing with me in the kitchen then suddenly screamed and attacked me.’

After three months she went home, where she relapsed. She was admitted to Dr Dawson’s clinic, Rhodes Farm. ‘The atmosphere was totally different. I could tell straightaway that I wouldn’t be able to get away with anything. Everyone knew about eating disorders, and all the tricks. There was this unspoken attitude: “We understand everything, and you will do as we say to get you better.” It was tough, but it was also a huge relief.’

Unlike with the hospital, Gemma felt safe. ‘It was a bit like a boarding school. I let myself be looked after, and it was like being a carefree kid again. Everything was taken care of. We were supervised all the time.’ Her family and friends had tried everything from sympathy to threats, but here ‘at last, were people who really understood what I was going through. I didn’t feel like a freak any more. There was a lot of self-help and support from being with the other girls. That’s what made the difference.’

According to Dr Dawson, ‘The families usually feel wretched and guilty because they haven’t been able to help, but it’s not their fault. The girls need someone they can’t manipulate or emotionally blackmail or frighten.’ That means specialist care. ‘Even nurses on general wards can be scared of anorexics, and hostile to them because they don’t understand them.’ Alliance is very important with adult patients, she agrees, ‘but with children I take charge. The girls know at once that I mean business. I am not going to wait around for them to decide that they’re ready to eat.’ A combination of personality, culture and peer pressure ensures that almost all patients comply. If they don’t, there’s always the threat of tube feeding. ‘The threat is enough. I’ve only actually had to use it once in the past year.’

Gemma stayed at Rhodes Farm for several months, and went back to 9st. ‘You’re fed a precise amount of calories to make sure you gain at least 2lb a week. There was therapy, too, but that didn’t really work for me. I found talking to the other girls more useful. And we kept each other in check. You can’t leave the table until everyone is finished. You can’t not eat or keep everyone sitting there without becoming very unpopular. So you eat.’

When she left she maintained the Rhodes Farm regime of measuring foods precisely for many years. ‘I’d weigh an apple. Eat it, then weigh the core, so I’d get the precise weight and calories of what I’d just eaten. You get a lot better, but wiping out all traces takes years – if you ever manage it.’ Now in her final year at college, ‘about 3lb over my target weight’ and happy, she believes that her own eating disorder ‘was just something genetic in my personality’ and that she may remain vulnerable to relapses for the rest of her life. ‘I don’t think I’ll ever get really bad again, but I’m aware that I panic if I’ve been eating a lot, like at Christmas. I have to be on guard.’

Rosemary’s treatment and recovery was a slower process. At 5st, she was referred to a psychiatrist by her GP, but had to wait six months for an appointment. When she saw him, she was referred again, to an adolescent psychiatric unit with another long waiting list. ‘By then, I was beyond reach.’ After nine months of treatment she had gained only 10lb. ‘All the anorexics in the unit colluded with each other. One would stand guard while another exercised frantically. I learnt more tricks about avoiding eating there than I could ever have discovered on my own.’

A pattern of release, relapse and readmission followed. ‘I had managed to get through my A-levels with two As and two Bs, and I went to university. I enjoyed it and gained a bit of weight.’ Back home, the weight fell off again. She was referred to a different hospital with an eating-disorders programme. ‘It was horrible re-feeding with 3,500 calories a day. But I met a therapist there who I really liked. She was the first person I really connected with. I saw her for the next four years. It took me the first two years just to learn to talk, and to put what I was feeling into words. I’d never done that before. She saved me.’

She recovered enough to edit an excellent book of first-person accounts of eating disorders, Anorexics on Anorexia , edited by Rosemary Shelley (£13.95, Jessica Kingsley). ‘I hadn’t realised that other people could feel like I did. If I’d been able to read their stories earlier it would have helped me, which is why I produced the book – to help other people.’

Today, she lives alone, takes antidepressants and is still underweight. But she is working part time, and feels positive. ‘Food is fine now, though it’s taking me a very long time to gain weight.’ Her regret is not getting specialist help earlier. ‘I feel very strongly that GPs need to be much more aware and well informed about eating disorders. Mine just told me to go for a walk in the garden to cheer myself up.’

We may be slowly learning how to treat eating disorders, but we still don’t know how to prevent them, or why they are so predominant in girls, or why food is the chosen method for controlling or telegraphing their distress. Boys come from similarly disturbed backgrounds, and have similar problems with self-esteem and relating, but are far more likely to turn to drink, drugs or suicide. The context of culture and the social role of girls is an inescapable factor.

Anorexia became recognised as a medical condition in the late 19th century – although self-starvation has a long history which can be traced back to the saints and seers of the early churches. The fact that almost all sufferers of this ‘new’ condition were young women, at a time when the role of women was one of stifling domestic constraint, developed the idea that anorexia was a silent protest – the desperate attempt of the powerless to attain power. It remained rare until the 60s and 70s, when diagnosis and public awareness proliferated. Feminists recast eating disorders as a reaction to the injustices and double standards of patriarchy: the inequality of women, the denial of female desires and the objectification of the female body. At the same time, the ideal female shape became thinner, less curvy and more childlike, and mass ‘dieting’, which had been relatively sporadic up until then, became a universal mania.

Now eating disorders are a plague. In this era of ladettes, female dominance in education and apparent girl power, girls are still, like their repressed Victorian counterparts, confused, frustrated, manipulated and dominated, and terrified of having to grow up and become what society deems women ‘ought’ to be. And they are still having to protest silently, in the most horrible, wretched and destructive way, about what they aren’t allowed to express.

Colombia’s Nukak Maku tribe faces extinction

06 Monday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Indigenous Communities/Nomads

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Nukak Maku Tribe

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/05/colombia-nukak-maku-tribe-extinction

Only a decade ago, the Nukak Maku, a Colombian indigenous community, lived a peaceful life disconnected from the modern world.

Nomadic hunter-gatherers, they roamed a chunk of the Amazon three times the size of London, spending days trekking to one corner just to fish, then weeks to another to hunt.

Now driven out of their territory by the Farc left-wing guerillas, the tribe occupies a shabby glade half the size of a football field on the outskirts of a frontier town, San José del Guaviare.

“We fled day and night through the jungle,” a young woman, Monica, says. “Finally we arrived in this place, no one is happy here.”

The Nukak say their new home is poor for hunting and fishing. Local farmers get angry when they hunt in the forests.

To make up for the loss of food, Acción Social, the government’s aid organisation, delivers rations. However, the women say it is not sufficient. “They often forget to bring us the rations, and sometimes it is not enough,” says Sandra, a young Nukak mother. “We do not like some of the things they give us, our bodies are not used to it.”

The change in diet has harmed the Nukaks’ health. Many of the children and adults are visibly malnourished. At the time of this reporter’s visit, Sandra’s daughter, Kelly, was in hospital with severe malnutrition. “She is a one-year-old, but has the body of a six-month-old baby,” says Luza Marina, who is in charge of monitoring the Nukak community’s health.

The community suffers from skin infections, respiratory diseases, diarrhoea and other common illnesses. “We never had these diseases before,” says Monica. As a result of daily difficulties and the inability to hunt, many are depressed and have other mental health problems.

Since the Nukak were first “contacted” in 1988, the illnesses of the modern world have had devastating effects. Anthropologists estimate they used to number more than 2,000 but the population has fallen to fewer than 600, bringing fears of extinction.

“For thousands of years the Nukak lived peacefully in their forest. Then the white man arrived. In the 20-odd years since, half their population has been wiped out, their territory has been invaded, and they’ve been driven out of the forest,” says Stephen Corry, director of Survival International in the UK.

“There’s little doubt that if the authorities allow this to continue, the Nukak stand little chance of survival.”

Another concern is the Nukak’s loss of culture. Since leaving the jungle, they have almost lost their traditional ways. Missionaries have taught them to wear clothes and eat modern food.

Whereas previously they had no sense of money, the Nukak people now spend their days begging in the town.

“It is very sad to see our people change their ways so much,” says Fellipe, a man in his 50s. “Now I’m not sure we could even survive in the jungle, it feels like we are doomed to the modern world.”

Responding to the threatened extinction of indigenous communities such as the Nukak, and the nearby Jiw and Sicuani, the Colombian government has started a national safeguard plan. This aims to legally enforce protecting these communities. Few of the Nukak have faith in the government, and many are concerned it is already too late.

“The idea is to guarantee their survival,” says Javier Sanchez, who is coordinating the plan. “If the state does not act quickly, they will be responsible for the disappearing of an indigenous community in our country.”

In the meantime, the Nukak continue to languish in hammocks, longing to return to their nomadic life.

“If we stay here much longer, our people will completely lose our ways, and we will just die off, far from the land where we belong,” says Monica.

GPs failing people with eating disorders, says charity

05 Sunday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Eating Disorders

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Eating Disorders

http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/feb/23/eating-disorders-anorexia-doctors?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

GPs are failing to help people suffering from eating disorders, a charity claimed today.

Many thought their GP was not up to date on eating disorders such asanorexia and bulimia, and some believed he or she did not take them seriously.

Some GPs told patients they were “going through a phase” or had embarked on a diet “gone wrong”.

The report comes after figures released last week showed a rise in the number of young girls admitted to hospital with anorexia.

Over the last decade, the number of admissions among girls aged 16 and under in England jumped 80%, from 256 in 1996-97 to 462 in 2006-07.

The chief executive of Beat, Susan Ringwood, said the rise could be down to a “wait and see” attitude in primary care, with young girls only being admitted when they were seriously ill.

Today’s report, based on a survey of 1,500 people with eating disorders, found that many sufferers did not think their GP was knowledgeable about treatments or how to access them.

The report said a patient’s recovery was not about choice, but was entirely down to chance, “with the odds stacked against them”.

One patient told the charity: “I felt as if my weight had to drop before the GP would take my worries seriously,” while another said: “When I first went to see my GP they didn’t listen at all. They just told me it was a phase I was going through.”

Another sufferer said: “I left the doctors feeling disheartened, patronised and as if I was making a big fuss about nothing.”

Guidelines for the NHS from the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (Nice) were an excellent tool for GPs, said the charity, but implementation varied across the country.

The guidelines set out how recovery is possible, provided GPs listen to their patients, act quickly and, in the case of young people, involve their families as much as possible.

Eating disorders are estimated to affect more than 1.1 million people in the UK.

Ringwood said: “We are aware that people affected by eating disorders still aren’t getting the treatment and support they need.

“Only 15% of the people we surveyed felt their GP understood eating disorders and knew how to help.

“This is a shocking statistic: it means that the majority of people encounter uninformed GPs – a huge obstacle to their recovery.”

Prof Steve Field, chairman of the Royal College of GPs, said doctors were aware of the signs of eating disorders.

He said: “One problem is that the group of patients we are dealing with – including bulimics who look as if they are eating normally – frequently present to GPs on a number of occasions before they open up about their problems.

“Eating disorders don’t respect age or sex or social background; boys as well as girls are affected, old people as well as young people. Often they are associated with psychological traumas such as a death in the family or bullying at school.

“It often takes a while for there to be understanding of the problem, it’s not very often that the patient comes to the GP and says ‘I’ve got an eating disorder’. But doctors do know what they are doing and the signs to look out for and patients should be reassured of this.”

Skinny male models and new fashions fuel eating disorders among men

05 Sunday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Body Image, Bullying, Eating Disorders

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'bigorexia', 'manorexia', anorexia, binge eating, Body Image, bulimia, Bullying, Eating Disorders, fashion industry, Male Eating Disorders, mannequin, masculinity, skinny male models, stigma

http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/may/16/skinny-models-fuel-male-eating-disorders?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

Skinny models, clothes designed for unrealistic body shapes and pressures at work are all fuelling an increase in eating disorders and body anxiety, as well as a rise in demand for cosmetic surgery. For men. Fat is no longer just a feminist issue, since the number of men suffering problems with food and body image is rising fast, with experts suggesting that 40% of binge eaters and a quarter of anorexia and bulimia sufferers are male – compared with 10% a decade ago – while the equivalent rates for women have not changed significantly.

Along with the rise in so-called “manorexia” is the body dysmorphia condition of “bigorexia” – men who become ever more muscle-bound in their obsessive pursuit of the perfect six-pack body.

Eating disorder campaigners are worried that a shift in men’s sizing in fashion is exacerbating the crisis and have criticised a British mannequin manufacturer for its latest super-skinny male model that they say could encourage vulnerable boys and men to starve themselves in a repeat of the “size zero” trend that encouraged many women to endanger their health. Next month Rootstein will debut a mannequin with a 35in chest and a 27in waist – 12in smaller than the average British man.

The firm said it was just reflecting demand and a shift to gender-blending fashion led by the slim and cool: Mark Ronson, Russell Brand, designer Hedi Slimane, and a new crop of male models, like Calvin Klein’s Tomek Szmulewicz and Top Man’s Sam Bennett. It talked of allowing “the boys a little of what the girls were getting with a beautifully angular physique that’s all about the youthful thrill of life on the edge”.

The mannequin’s designer, Kevin Arpino, said demand was up for smaller models. “It is a collection dictated by current fashion trends for skinny jeans and very tight tailoring, as seen everywhere from Topman to Gucci and in the edgier fashion magazines like Numéro. It’s a trend which you can see in celebrities and rock stars – Russell Brand has a little bit to do with it. But I am sure that muscle boys will have their time again.”

But for Rob Richman, 35, a recovering anorexic from London, it’s a deeply worrying shift. “I’m staggered, shocked, at what the fashion industry is doing now, trying to mould men to aspire to a different shape than one that is natural, the same as they did with women. Between the tiny sizes and the six-pack look, the pressure on men just seems to have escalated,” he said.

“In my early 30s I couldn’t get clothes to fit me and I would have to buy girls’ jeans; now I can get tiny sizes on the High Street. You’re telling teenage boys to reach unrealistic and unhealthy sizes. Of course you get guys like Pete Doherty and Stephen Merchant who are naturally tall and thin, but this is about pressure to conform to a false ideal. We should allow men and women to be the different shapes and sizes they naturally are.”

Richman, who developed his eating disorder aged 12 after years of vicious bullying at his public school, said he used to be the only man at treatment clinics or hospitals. “Now I’m never the only guy. Ten years ago if a guy went to his GP it’s unlikely they would think of him having anorexia.

“Now all the ones with the really chronic levels are the men.”

But whether men are developing the “excessively muscular or excessively skeletal” shape, said Dr John Morgan, a leading eating order specialist, the risks are high.

Eating disorders have the highest morbidity and mortality rates of all psychiatric illnesses. Bullying can be a major trigger towards eating disorders in boys as young as seven.

“Ironically the government’s anti-obesity campaign has had a flip effect of making perhaps slightly overweight boys more likely to be picked on and bullied. Interesting that, while one in four children are overweight, two in three think they are,” said Dr Morgan.

“The rates of body image disparities are indeed rising among men. Ten years ago a young woman and a gay man suffered similar rates of risk while the attitude of the heterosexual male was much more ‘we’ve got beer bellies because we’re men and we don’t care’, but now that’s changed quite significantly.

“There’s a broader crisis of masculinity in our society and men are facing the same growing pains that women went through in the 50s and 60s.

“Men are being presented with many more choices, and while choice is liberating, for many young men they struggle through and there remains a lot of stigma attached to them admitting weakness; it’s such a threat to the male identity.

“The difference between men and women,” Dr Morgan went on, “tends to be that men focus on shape more than weight, and also men have the extra issue of being expected to be an ideal which is not incompatible with health, so George Clooney might have a great body but we’d also expect him to scale Mount Kilimanjaro, whereas Keira Knightley would struggle with the mountain, but that would be expected.”

The eating disorder charity Beat protested furiously at the Rootstein mannequins. A spokeswoman for Beat said that men and eating disorders was an issue that now had to be taken seriously and the charity was campaigning hard for more awareness among GPs.

“More and more men are coming forward. Generally speaking, there is just as much pressure on guys as women to have a certain body shape. Imagery presented as something to attain, skinny styles, and making sizes smaller, it’s all a dangerous ideal,” she said. “Men are subject to the same insecurities around their body and self-image as women are.”

Former TV host Steve Blacknell, 57, developed bulimia months after starting a new job in the image-obsessed music industry.

“The pressure to be thin and lovely is the same whether you’re a girl or a bloke in that world, and it’s impossible, just as the washboard stomach is an unreachable thing.

“I’d take down and burn every image on those men’s magazines and advertising hoardings of rippling abs, along with those mannequins.

“It’s hard enough being a bloke coping with an eating disorder – imagine then having to look at images like that, imagine the pressure.

“I work with the corporate world now, with men who know that how you look is very much part of the package you are presenting and so how you look is important.”

And that workplace image is what is fuelling the increase in men going for cosmetic surgery, said Liz Dale, director of the Harley Medical Group. The company has seen a 55% increase in men having “tummy tucks” and a 23% rise in Botox treatments, in the first two months of 2010 compared to the same period in 2009. “Men are a lot less embarrassed than they would have been 10 years ago. Now they are quite proud of looking after themselves and coming in for Botox and skin peels. They don’t want to look like celebs, they want to look thinner and healthier. We see a lot of City men where the pressure is more pronounced to look good,” said Dale.

John Updike wrote in a 1993 essay: “Inhabiting a male body is much like having a bank account; as long as it’s healthy, you don’t think much about it. Compared to the female body, it is a low-maintenance proposition: a shower now and then, trim the fingernails every ten days, a haircut once a month.”

Lord Byron thought having to shave every day was as bad as women having to deal with the pains of childbirth. Although Byron had his own issues with food – he was a binge-eater, according to Dr David Veale, consultant psychiatrist and co-author of Overcoming Body Image Problems – neither he nor Updike would have recognised the expectations placed on the modern man.

“There is still greater pressure on women than men,” said Veale. “But undoubtedly some men are more vulnerable – they put all their worth and identity into their appearance. At the severer end of the spectrum it is just as common to have a male sufferer as a woman.

“Eating disorders in women may well be more biologically driven with genetic links, but for men it seems to have a more sociological aspect. An individual who is teased or bullied or humiliated or suffers emotional neglect at a crucial stage of their life obviously is going to feel that impact.

“Generally human beings go around thinking we are a lot more attractive than we actually are, and the greatest paradox is that men with eating disorders are actually more unattractive the harder they try to sculpt themselves into the perfect aesthetic, not because of their bodies but because of the behaviours and their obsessions.”

PERFECT FIGURES

■ Byron, Kafka, Elvis Presley, Elton John, Uri Geller and John Prescott all suffered from eating disorders.

■ The average British man is 5ft 10in tall, has a 39in waist and weighs 13 stone, heavier than most fellow Europeans.

■ The Royal College of Psychiatrists estimated last year that one in every 1,000 young men and seven in 1,000 young women have an eating disorder.

  • Symptoms of anorexia include worrying about weight, exercising more, and being unable to stop losing weight. In men and boys, erections and wet dreams stop and testicles shrink.

■ Overall male cosmetic surgery grew by 21% last year, including an 80% rise breast reductions. The most popular treatment remains nose surgery

More: http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2010/may/05/skinny-male-mannequins-eating-disorder?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

What happens when an uncontacted tribe meets ‘civilisation’?

04 Saturday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Indigenous Communities/Nomads

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Ache Tribe

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/what-happens-when-an-uncontacted-tribe-meets-civilisation-6358885.html

Margarita Mbywangy has spent her life fighting for the right to exist. At the age of five, she was kidnapped and sold into domestic slavery, removed from her family and the hunter-gather way of life that her Ache tribe had practiced in eastern Paraguay for millennia.

Ms Mbywangy spent the next 13 years known only as Margarita – the name chosen by her new “mother” who insisted she was her daughter, but never hugged her, didn’t send her to school and made her cook and clean for the family. She looked and felt different; people in the street called her “Indo” – a derogatory term used to insult Paraguay’s indigenous people – but she had no identity papers, just a name.

This part of her story is by no means extraordinary. In the 1960s and 1970s many indigenous children in Paraguay were kidnapped and their parents killed by government forces and farmers who wanted to develop the acres of forest, their ancestral land, where they lived a nomadic life, trying to avoid the threats of the “civilised” world.

By 1976, all the Ache had been forcibly resettled on small areas of designated land where they had to swap hunter-gathering for agriculture in order to survive. Many died trying to defend themselves and the forest; many more died from new diseases such as flu because they had no immunity to these common conditions. The land was sold to farmers, roads were built and the valuable timber harvested. Only 36 families survived the slaughter. The government was accused of genocide.

“When we were taken out of the forest and forced to live in communities, we were left without medicine or doctors, and many, many more people died than even in the fighting. That was really the end of our way of life,” she says. Ms Mbywangy, 49, cannot remember those early years, and perhaps would never have known her story had she not found her family at the age of 18. For two years she tried to find out who she really was with the help of a priest and missionaries – whose predecessors had been responsible for brutal civilisation programmes centuries before.

“My people cry when they are sad and when they are happy, so when they saw me after so many years they started crying. But it was difficult, I was so desperate to know my mother and father but they were already dead, and I couldn’t speak Ache, there were many mixed emotions.”

From her siblings she learnt that her father had died from a snake bite; her mother from flu. She had been captured by farmers on horseback along with two other children when trying to escape with her clan. Ms Mbywangy learnt her forgotten language, and reassimilated with every tradition that her people still practised as best they could. They have been “given” a small forest where they can hunt monkeys and rodents and collect wild fruits, but they also cultivate maize, sweet potatoes, peanuts and rice.

The Ache tribe is now the second smallest, but fastest growing, indigenous group in Paraguay, with about 1,200 people in six communities, each with different customs. Their ancestral forest, and with it their old way of life, has been largely destroyed. Across the world there are more than 150 million tribal people in 60 countries, but only 100 truly uncontacted tribes are known to still exist.

More than half these tribes are in the Brazilian Amazon basin, 15 in Peru and one in Bolivia. Outside Latin America there are uncontacted groups in India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Australia and Russia. Only one, part of the Ayoreo nomadic tribe, is known still to exist in Paraguay. The threats they all face are simple: diseases introduced by outsiders and deforestation, for logging, farming, mining and oil and gas exploration.

The rights organisation Survival International last week released the first- ever images of the nomadic Mashco-Piro Indians in Peru to pressure the Peruvian government into protecting the tribe’s land from loggers and other outsiders. About 70 per cent of land in the Peruvian Amazon has already been sold off to oil and gas companies.

Paraguay, like many of its neighbours, has signed International Labour Organisation 169, a law which protects the land rights of indigenous people. It also has strong national laws which guarantee lands to tribal groups. But an unwelcome throwback to the country’s violent past means there is no public land in Paraguay, as it was all sold to raise money for the government in the early 20th century. Since then there has been no land reform in Paraguay and the government cannot afford to buy back the land.

Apart from a few hard-earned victories, the vast majority of indigenous groups are still struggling to retrieve even small parts of their ancestral land. Many work in slave labour conditions or rely on food handouts.

Ms Mbywangy eventually became a tribal chief and, in an extraordinary twist, she was approached in 2008 by the newly elected leftist president, Fernando Lugo, after she became a tribal activist. Despite her lack of political experience she was appointed Minister for Indigenous Affairs – the first woman and first indigenous person to hold the job. “I accepted because I thought it would be a great opportunity for not just my people, but for all the indigenous people, to fight for what we need, for the forest,” she says.

The tenure was bittersweet, and she stood down at the end of last year amid internal and external opposition. “I would never disappoint my people, never let them down. So I left.” She is clearly angry and disillusioned.

Ms Mbywangy was in the UK speaking at a conference held by the World Land Trust (WLT), which helps NGOs in 20 countries buy land to protect the rapidly disappearing flora and fauna.

John Burton, chief executive of WLT, said: “Conservationists like us need to save big areas of land to protect the wildlife. Groups like the Ache also need big areas of land, but in order to live their lives as hunter-gatherers. These are not necessarily incompatible, but there is potential for conflict so we have to learn to work together. Establishing trust with indigenous people, who have suffered such terrible abuses from outsiders, is the most difficult thing.”

Ms Mbywangy says: “The small areas of forest we have left are crying out asking to be saved. It is very important to protect the birds and animals, but also, organisations like the Wildlife Land Trust must realise that indigenous people are part of the forest too… so we will work with those NGOs trying to preserve the forests, because we are the forest. We cannot survive without it.”

First contact: The hazards

Most invasions of areas which are home to uncontacted tribes are prompted by the desire of loggers, miners, oil companies and cattle ranchers to seize lands and resources. But well-intentioned non-governmental organisations, missionaries, tourists and even locals who try to make contact can prove dangerous.

One of the reasons for trying to avoid contact, such as in the case of the people of the Mashco-Piro tribe who were chanced upon by Spanish archeaologist Diego Cortijo recently in a remote part of Peru, is the risk of passing on diseases to which they have no immunity. “First contact” usually results in 50-80 per cent of the tribe dying of imported sicknesses.

The danger of forcing contact on isolated nomadic tribes was reaffirmed by the recent death of Nicolas “Shaco” Flores (right), who was shot by an uncontacted tribe’s arrow near Manu National Park in Peru. He had been leaving food and gifts for Mashco-Piro Indians for 20 years and thought he was helping, but even he became viewed as a threat by some in the group.

In July 2011, a Brazilian tribe who lived near the Peruvian border is believed to have been massacred by drug traffickers. A few months later an eight-year-old girl from the Awa tribe was burnt to death by loggers in the north-east.

About 450 tribespeople were murdered in Brazil between 2003 and 2010, according to the Catholic Indigenous Missionary Council.

Nina Lakhani

Khmer Rouge jail chief gets life for his ‘factory of death’

04 Saturday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in War Crimes

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Cambodia, Genocide, Khmer Rouge, Torture, Tribunal, War Crimes

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/khmer-rouge-jail-chief-gets-life-for-his-factory-of-death-6358883.html

Comrade Duch, the head of a notorious Khmer Rouge prison, was ordered to spend the rest of his life in jail after a tribunal ruled yesterday that he had overseen a “factory of death”.

In a decision that surprised many observers, the upper chamber of Cambodia’s genocide tribunal, which is backed by the United Nations, said the 35-year sentence the prison chief received two years ago did not match the scale and gravity of his crime.

Duch, 69, whose real name is Kaing Guek Eav, stood up to hear the verdict but reportedly showed no emotion.

“The penalty must be harsh to prevent similar crimes, which are undoubtedly among the worst in human history,” said Judge Kong Srim, president of the court. “The crimes of Kaing Guek Eav were of a particularly shocking and heinous character based on the number of people who were proven to have been killed.”

Duch oversaw Tuol Sleng prison in Phnom Penh, a former school that was converted into a torture and interrogation centre for members of the regime itself, who were accused of various spurious crimes. It is estimated that up to 16,000 prisoners were kept there before being sent for execution at “killing fields” on the edge of the city. Barely a dozen sent to the jail survived.

In the summer of 2010, Duch, a former maths teacher who became one of the regime’s most loyal members, was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity. His 35-year sentence was immediately commuted to 19 years because of time he had already served and other reasons. That ruling drew an emotional outcry from the families and friends of his victims.

Yesterday’s decision was largely welcomed by those following the trial. Chum Mei, a former car mechanic and one of the few survivors of Tuol Sleng, or S-21, told The Independent he was still not completely happy because he felt that Duch had not sufficiently confessed his guilt. However, he added that he was pleased by the ruling.

“I am very satisfied, and so are more than 90 other civil parties,” he said. “[It] is right to give him life imprisonment because the crime he committed was so grave, and he deserves it.”

The white-haired Chum Mei, who was beaten, tortured and given electric shocks while he was in the jail, added: “We hope that the rest of the former senior Khmer Rouge leaders will get the same trial. Today really marked the end of a culture of impunity in Cambodia.”

The Mass Production of Mental Illness and What To Do About It

01 Wednesday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Psychiatry

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'Anti-Psychiatry', 'AntiPsychiatry', cbt, chlorpromazine, diagnosis, drugs, DSM, ECT, Kraepelin, Laing, medication, Medicine, mental health issues, misdiagnosis, psychiatry, Rogers, Rosenhan, schizophrenia, Skinner, Szaza, treatment

The Mass Production of Mental Illness and What To Do About It

DOCTORING THE MIND: IS OUR CURRENT TREATMENT OF MENTAL ILLNESS REALLY ANY GOOD?
By Richard P. Bentall
NYU Press, 364 pages. $29.95

“Conventional psychiatry, which reached its zenith with the neo-Kraepelinian movement, has not only failed to deliver tangible benefits for patients (antipsychotics…were an accidental discovery) but has also failed to deliver a credible explanation of psychosis. It is not that there is a lack of biological evidence; rather, the evidence has been misinterpreted and shoehorned into a biomedical framework that fits it poorly. A radical new approach to understanding severe mental illness, which brings together the evidence on the social, psychological and biological causes of psychosis, is urgently required.”

In the 1960s, a movement called “antipsychiatry” (prompted in Britain by R. D. Laing and in the U.S. by Thomas Szazs) questioned the basic assumptions about mental illness and its treatment. Not only psychiatry, but methods popular earlier in the twentieth century, such as the prefrontal leucotomy, electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), and insulin coma therapy, lay thoroughly discredited. The anti-psychiatrists encouraged treating the patient as a whole person, putting his “madness” in the social and environmental context. Unfortunately, with the passage of the counterculture the medical establishment returned with a vengeance to explaining mental illness strictly as a manifestation of physical disorders of the brain and treating it with particular medications.

Dr. Richard P. Bentall, professor and practitioner of clinical psychology in Britain, who earlier wrote Madness Explained: Psychosis and Human Nature (2003), exposes the highly dubious nature of reigning presumptions about the causes and treatment of mental illness. He favors the “recovery-oriented, autonomy-promoting” model, particularly cognitive behavioral therapy, over the “paternalistic-medical” model, which favors reductionist diagnosis, genetic causation, and reliance on drugs to correct so-called “chemical imbalances.” Bentall explores why the biomedical approach has become dominant, instead of a social approach to madness, which was gaining traction in the 1960s. There is little evidence to show that psychiatric drugs are effective in the long run; by making spurious connections between damaged brains and drugs alleged to overcome such disfigurement, the medical profession ignores better treatment options.

In his important book The Rise and Fall of Modern Medicine (1999), James Le Fanu identifies twelve definitive moments in the history of medicine, one of which is the discovery of the drug chlorpromazine in the early 1950s. Over the long run, however, the medical profession has been manifestly unable to improve recovery outcomes for patients suffering from mental illness. A striking finding is that patients in developing countries, with much less health care expenditure per capita, recover better from schizophrenia than patients in developed countries. The accidental discovery of chlorpromazine by a French doctor must be viewed in the context of the state of psychiatric treatment, a shambles before the excitement caused by the new drugs. As Le Fanu concludes, “Why should a compound that blocks histamine in the tissues of the body also interfere with an entirely different chemical–dopamine–in the brain in a way that alleviates the symptoms of schizophrenia? What is schizophrenia? What is its cause? The map of mental illness, like that of Africa before the arrival of the Victorian explorers, remains a blank.” Medical discoveries have sharply fallen off since their post-World War II peak; both “The New Genetics” and “The Social Theory” (attributing disease to lifestyle choices) have failed to halt the rise of illness, particularly psychiatric illness.

Emil Kraepelin (1856-1926) is the key figure in the classification of psychiatric disorders, making a distinction between dementia praecox (senility of the young, later relabeled schizophrenia) and manic depression. The growth of mental asylums, particularly in the U.S., didn’t abate until the middle of the twentieth century. Also in parallel, extreme remedies including electroconvulsive therapy, prefrontal leucotomy, and insulin coma therapy became popular. Walter Freeman, the American evangelist for prefrontal leucotomy, used “a hammer to tap an ice-pick-like instrument placed above the eyeball and against the orbital bone behind,” after which “he would move…[the instrument] from side to side in order to produce the desired lesion.” Rosemary Kennedy, sister of President John F. Kennedy, was a famous victim of Freeman: “a woman who had perhaps suffered from mild intellectual impairment, but who could read and write…was left incontinent and able to utter only a few words.” In insulin coma therapy, patients’ “brains were starved of glucose,” and they would slip into a coma. Brain-cell death, and the desired catatonic state, resulted.

Contesting behavior modification programs, articulated by pioneers B. F. Skinner (author ofWalden Two) and Carl Rogers, varied in their approaches to control versus autonomy, but the impact of innovation remained limited in the asylums and clinics. David Rosenhan published a famous paper in Science in 1972, called “On being sane in insane places,” throwing doubt on the supposed empirical nature of psychiatric diagnoses. With seven other “pseudo-patients,” Rosenhan showed up at psychiatric clinics pretending to have symptoms of schizophrenia. Staff at the hospitals were unable to change their diagnostic presuppositions to match the pseudo-patients’ perfectly normal behavior once admitted: “A pseudo-patient waiting outside a cafeteria half an hour before it opened (there was nothing else to do) was described by one psychiatrist as having an ‘oral acquisitive syndrome.’ When observed making notes, another was said to exhibit ‘obsessive writing behavior.'” Interestingly, the patients picked up that the pseudo-patients were journalists or professors.

Meanwhile, unable to rise to the challenge posed by Thomas Szazs’s groundbreaking The Myth of Mental Illness (1960), psychiatrists doubled down on the idea that there is something “wrong with the brains of mentally ill patients.” Thus came about the “chemical-imbalance explanation for mental illness, an idea that was to prove more potent in the minds of ordinary people than anything dreamed up by the antipsychiatrists.” In other words, even as Freudian assumptions about the unconscious, the role of sexuality, and repressed fantasies were being discredited, the science of biological psychiatry emerged to put forth the idea that “too much dopamine at the [brain synapses]…causes schizophrenia,” and that “an imbalance in the neurotransmitter serotonin” causes depression. Note that these two ideas are at the basis of every psychiatric drug peddled since the 1960s, and if they can be thrown into doubt, so can the efficacy of all the drugs currently on the market. Certainly, the drug companies’ interests (as Marcia Angell, above all, has pointed out in her work) are well-served, but can we say the same for patients? Even the president of the American Psychiatric Association lamented in 2005: “As a profession, we have allowed the biopsychosocial model [of mental illness] to become the bio-bio-bio model.”

The new biological researchers styled themselves neo-Kraepelinians, and the American Psychiatric Association’s landmark Diagnostic and Statistical Manual-III (DSM), issued in 1980 and since then further revised, is a monument to Kraepelin in sharply distinguishing between the normal and the sick, in separating discrete categories of mental illnesses, and in focusing on the biological approach to mental illness. If each of these dubious propositions can be shown to be weak or even false, then the entire edifice of current psychiatric practice also collapses. Neuroscience, not any sort of talking therapy, was to be the panacea; “manipulating neurotransmitters, not…understanding and interpreting the patients’ thoughts and feelings,” was what young psychiatrists should learn. Has the DSM led to more accurate diagnoses than was the case before? Lauren Slater, in Opening Skinner’s Box: Great Psychological Experiments of the Twentieth Century (2004), describes replicating Rosenhan’s experiment by presenting herself as a patient at psychiatric emergency rooms.

Now to the dismantling of each of the three key propositions upon which present psychiatric practice rests. First, are psychiatric diagnoses meaningful? The concepts of both dementia praecox (schizophrenia) and manic depression, first proposed by Kraepelin, have undergone repeated transformations over the last century, with allied growth in various neuroses (anxiety disorders), subdivided into many classes. The DSM sought to achieve consistency in psychiatric diagnoses, but precision remains spurious. A significant obstacle to precision, according to Bentall, is comorbidity; often patients suffering one psychiatric illness seem to suffer from others as well, which keep shifting in intensity over time. As Bentall concludes damningly, “If the same drugs work for everyone, the diagnosis given to the patient has virtually no implications at all.”

Second, as to the boundary between the “sick” and the “normal,” many people have psychotic symptoms without requiring treatment. Schizophrenia is best perceived on a continuum, rather than as the dark side of a clear dividing line between normality and a lifetime of helplessness. In recent years, psychiatrists have desperately sought to preserve the structure of diagnostic precision by resorting to increasing “fractionation,” for example of the “bipolar spectrum into bipolar 3 disorder, bipolar 4 disorder, and so on.” Schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, instead of being thought of as ‘real conditions,” might be better seen as ‘scientific delusions.”

The third fundamental error of psychiatry follows from the “neo-Kraepelinian… assumption that psychiatric disorders are genetically determined diseases that are little influenced by the trials of life.” The most that can be argued is that “genes play some role at some point in increasing the risk of mental illness, but nothing else.” Bentall explains that “the only findings that have proved to be even marginally replicable concern genes that confer only a very small risk of psychosis and which are absent in the majority of patients” and that “if there were any genes with more direct and marked effects, they would have certainly been discovered by now.” It is important to consider that “not a single…[patient] has ever benefited from genetic research into mental illness.”

Yet current psychiatric practice prefers unchanging genetic influence over environmental factors–particular stresses and traumas in life–in aggravating mental illness. As Bentall argues, “Insecure attachment and victimization appear to contribute to paranoia, sudden trauma appears to cause hallucinations, and parental communication deviance has been implicated in thought disorder.” Yet the psychiatrist’s job these days is focused on getting the patient to agree to a discrete diagnosis, followed by quick agreement to take the prescribed medication. At the research level, psychiatric geneticists are busy trying to identify specific genes involved in schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and other conditions–a fool’s errand, if ever there was one, since the venture is premised on ignoring environmental influences.

The neo-Kraepelinians, i.e., the majority of the psychiatric profession today, have been obsessed with reliance on CT scans, and more recently MRI’s, to locate the exact sites of brain disease. Yet even if dopamine neurones are involved in paranoia, it stands to reason that “the nervous system of an animal living the life of repeated victimization will become highly attuned to the detection of further threatening events.” So it is reasonable to think that “the dopamine system becomes sensitized as a consequence of adverse experiences that predate the onset of illness,” rather than being the cause.

The excessive profits of drug companies–“in 2002, the combined profits for the ten [largest] drug companies…[exceeded]…the profits of all the other 490 companies put together”–can be explained by our unreasonable expectations about what medical science can deliver. In The Role of Medicine: Dream, Mirage or Nemesis (1979), Thomas McKeown argues that most of the “health gains achieved during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were the consequence, not of advances in medical science, but of improvements in nutrition and sanitation.” This concept leads to the recent global movement embracing evidence based medicine, which, Bentall argues, has so far not affected the psychiatric profession. Big Pharma continues to exploit loopholes in the concept of the randomized controlled trial (RCT), to adduce greater effectiveness for drugs than warranted.

In the late 1980s, SSRI’s (serotonin re-uptake inhibitors), represented by Prozac, became immensely popular. The drug industry made extravagant claims for their effectiveness. Yet “subsequent metaanalyses have reported that nearly all of the therapeutic response to both the old and new antidepressants can be attributed to the placebo effect.” Drug company data, submitted to the FDA in support of licensing applications, is kept secret, but when occasionally it comes to light severe problems of duration, size, and sample become manifest. For example, data from “47 trials of the six most popular new antidepressants…[shows] that the most rigorous of the studies had examined the patients for a mere eight weeks without any attempt to find out what happened to them afterwards, and that drop-out rates were so high that only 4 out of the 47 were able to report what happened to more than 70 percent of the patients.” In short, psychotic drug trial data cannot be trusted.

Rather than adhere to the Hippocratic Oath of “first do no harm,” psychiatrists are recently pushing for the earliest possible intervention–lifetime prescription of psychotic drugs–based on the manifestation of pre-symptoms, rather than actual illness, and for the inclusion of the widest possible population in such prescreening. Contrary to this drive, studies have shown that “first-episode…patients benefit less from…treatment than patients who have been ill for some time.” Big Pharma and psychiatrists also claim that so-called second-generation drugs have fewer side effects, but many studies show that this is clearly not true. Of even more concern is the fact that long-term administration of psychotic drugs may worsen symptoms because of “the proliferation of the number of D2 receptors in the brain”–in other words, “the brain responds to having its dopamine receptors blocked by making more of them.”

If drugs have been oversold, what is to be done then? Cognitive behavior therapy (CBT), which seeks to alter negative thought patterns, is one approach. It may or may not be more effective than other forms of psychotherapy, but at least it shows more respect for the patient than condemning him to a lifetime of medication, and making him feel useless because of irremediable genetic dysfunction in the brain. Many patients can manage the symptoms of schizophrenia without having to be condemned or committed. The aim should be to help patients improve their quality of life, rather than relying on bright-line distinctions between normality and illness. In the “paternalistic-medical” model, patients’ preferences about treatment are ignored because their judgment is not trusted; in the “autonomy-promoting” model Bentall advocates, patients are actively involved in deciding the course of treatment. Bentall offers a neat schematic splitting the two models along the axes of principal advocates, beliefs about mental illness, attitude toward diagnosis, goals of treatment, attitude towards patients’ judgments, attitude towards treatment, attitude towards the therapeutic alliance, attitude towards risk and coercion, and attitude towards medical skills that sharply distinguishes the polarities between the two approaches.

At stake in this debate is the utilitarian (Benthamite) versus deontological (Kantian) ethic. Both moral philosophies emphasize individual rights, the Kantians in particular arguing that individuals should always be treated as ends in themselves, rather than as means to ends. Present psychiatric practice, heading as it is toward condemning large swaths of the population to a perpetual sentence of mental deviance, doesn’t even match the less rigorous scales of utilitarianism when it comes to individual autonomy. The present model is based on coercion, and coercion is wrong on several counts as an approach to mental illness.

Joanna Moncrieff, in The Myth of the Chemical Cure: A Critique of Psychiatric Drug Treatment(2008), has pointed out that we should free ourselves of the delusion that there can be specific drugs for discrete mental illnesses. She demonstrates that “a majority of the published trials show that antidepressants are a bit better than placebo, but despite the many possible biases which make positive results more likely, many studies found that antidepressants were no better than placebo and some found that they were worse.” She also shows how “decades of research have failed to produce clear and independent evidence of a dopamine abnormality in people with psychosis or schizophrenia that cannot be attributed to some other cause” and that “there is little evidence to suggest that there is a characteristic abnormality in [the serotonin and noradrenalin]…systems that is associated with depression.” Instead, Moncrieff argues that “the early marketing campaigns for antidepressants had to establish the idea of depression as a common, medically treatable condition”–the more common, the better, from the drug companies’ point of view.

In addition to recognizing the limitations of drugs, more emphasis needs to be placed on the sociological roots of depression (as Bentall points out, the majority of mentally ill patients tend to be unemployed, and employment tends to assist in recovery). Psychiatry, since the early 1950s, has stalled; the revolutionary impetus of the 1960s is gone; the profession needs to reboot, and start treating people again as people, not as “plants.” The motivation behind the new drugs remains the same as it was for the radical remedies of electroconvulsive therapy, prefrontal leucotomy, and insulin coma therapy.

Mind-reading program translates brain activity into words

01 Wednesday Feb 2012

Posted by a1000shadesofhurt in Neuroscience/Neuropsychology/Neurology

≈ 1 Comment

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Brain activity

http://www.guardian.co.uk/science/2012/jan/31/mind-reading-program-brain-words

Scientists have picked up fragments of people’s thoughts by decoding the brain activity caused by words that they hear.

The remarkable feat has given researchers fresh insight into how the brain processes language, and raises the tantalising prospect of devices that can return speech to the speechless.

Though in its infancy, the work paves the way for brain implants that could monitor a person’s thoughts and speak words and sentences as they imagine them.

Such devices could transform the lives of thousands of people who lose the ability to speak as a result of a stroke or other medical conditions.

Experiments on 15 patients in the US showed that a computer could decipher their brain activity and play back words they heard, though at times the words were difficult to recognise.

“This is exciting in terms of the basic science of how the brain decodes what we hear,” said Robert Knight, a senior member of the team and director of the Helen Wills Neuroscience Institute at the University of California, Berkeley.

“Potentially, the technique could be used to develop an implantable prosthetic device to aid speaking, and for some patients that would be wonderful. The next step is to test whether we can decode a word when a person imagines it. That might sound spooky, but this could really help patients. Perhaps in 10 years it will be as common as grandmother getting a new hip,” Knight said. The study is published in the journal PLoS Biology.

The scientists ran tests on patients who were already in hospital for an operation to treat intractable epilepsy. In that procedure, patients have the top of their skull removed and a net of electrodes laid across the surface of their brain. Doctors use the electrodes to identify the precise trigger point of the patient’s fit, before removing the tissue. Sometimes, patients wait for days before they have enough seizures to locate the source of the problem.

Scientist Brian Pasley enrolled 15 patients to take part. He played each a series of words for five to 10 minutes while recording their brain activity from the electrode nets. He then created computer programs that could recognise sounds encoded in the brain waves.

The brain seems to break sounds down into their constituent acoustic frequencies. The most important range for speech is 1-8,000 Hertz.

Pasley compared the technique to a pianist who can hear a piece in their mind just by knowing which keys are played.

He next played a collection of new words to the patients to see if the algorithms could pick out and repeat recognisable words. Among them were words such as “Waldo”, “structure”, “doubt” and “property”.

The scientists got their best results when they recorded activity in the superior temporal gyrus, part of the brain that sits to one side, above the ear.

“I didn’t think it could possibly work, but Brian did it,” said Knight. “His model can reproduce the sound the patient heard and you can actually recognise the word, though not at a perfect level.”

The prospect of reading minds has led to ethical concerns that the technology could be used covertly or to interrogate criminals and terrorists.

Knight said that is in the realm of science fiction. “To reproduce what we did, you would have to open up someone’s skull and they would have to co-operate.” Making a device to help people speak will not be easy. Brain signals that encode imagined words could be harder to decipher and the device must be small and operate wirelessly. Another potential headache is distinguishing between words a person wants to say and thoughts they would rather keep private.

Jan Schnupp, professor of neuroscience at Oxford University called the work “remarkable”.

“Neuroscientists have long believed that the brain works by translating aspects of the external world, such as spoken words, into patterns of electrical activity. But proving that this is true by showing that it is possible to translate these activity patterns back into the original sound – or at least a fair approximation – is nevertheless a great step forward. It paves the way to rapid progress toward biomedical applications,” he said.

“Some may worry though that this sort of technology might lead to mind-reading devices which could one day be used to eavesdrop on the privacy of our thoughts. Such worries are unjustified. It is worth remembering that these scientists could only get their technique to work because epileptic patients had cooperated closely and willingly with them, and allowed a large array of electrodes to be placed directly on the surface of their brains.

“We can rest assured that our skulls will remain an impenetrable barrier for any would-be technological mind hacker for any foreseeable future,” he added.

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